After the fall of kingdom of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, there were several attempts to raise the old glory of the Khalsa. Several movements to reform the Sikhism were started. First one being Namdhari movement, which was started by Baba Ram Singh Namdhari after anglo Sikh wars. He was a soldier in Khalsa army.
Like the Nirankari, this second reform movement known as the Namdhari, or Kuka, movement also had its origin in the north-west corner of the Sikh kingdom, away from the places of royal pomp and grandeur. It harked back to a way of life more in keeping with the spiritual tradition of the community. Its principal object was to spread the true spirit of Sikhism shorn of tawdry customs and mannerism, which had been growing on it since the beginning of Sikh monarchy. In the midst of national pride born of military glory and political power, this movement extolled the religious obligation for a pious and simple living. They were called "Kukas" because of their peculiar style to recite the gurbani (Sayings of the Gurus). This style was in a high pitched voice, called Kook in punjabi, and thus Namdhari Khalsa's were named Kukas.
The founder, Bhai Balak Singh (1799-1862) of Hazro, was a holy man whose noble example and sweet persuasive manner won him a number of followers. The most prominent among them was Baba Ram Singh who undertook the direction of the movement after Bhai Balak Singh, giving it a more positive orientation.
Baba Ram Singh, born at Bhaini, in Ludhiana district in 1816, was a soldier in the Sikh army. With his regiment he once happened to visit Hazro where he fell under the influence of Bhai Balak Singh. He became his disciple and dedicated himself to his mission. For his religious pursuits he had ample time in the army which, towards the end of Ranjit Singh's day, was comparatively free from its more arduous tasks. In the 1845 Anglo-Sikh war, Baba Ram Singh fought against the English at Mudki.
He gave up service after the occupation of Lahore and returned to his village, Bhaini, which became another important centre of the Namdhari faith. Upon Baba Balak Singh's death, in 1862, the chief responsibility passed on to Baba Ram Singh, whose growing influence helped in the extension of the movement in central and eastern Punjab. An elaborate agency for missionary work was set up. The name of the head in a district—Suba, meaning governor— had a significant, though remote, political implication. There were altogether twenty-two such Subas, besides two Jathedars, or group leaders, for each tahsil and a Granthi, Scripture-reader or priest, for each village.
In the government papers of that period, Baba Ram Singh' s mission is described thus:
He abolishes all distinction of caste among Sikhs;
advocates indiscriminate marriage of all classes;
enjoins the marriage of widows;
enjoins abstinence from liquor and drugs . exhorts
his disciples to be cleanly and truth-telling.
To the points mentioned could be added a few more such as reverence for the cow, simpler wedding ceremonies and abolition of infanticide which received equal emphasis. Baba Ram Singh was never reconciled to the rule of the British. His prediction about its early recession was implicitly believed by his followers, who were forbidden to join government service, to go to courts of law or learn the English language. The movement thus acquired a strong political bias. Its chief inspiration was, in fact, derived from opposition to the foreign rule and everything tending to remind one of it was shunned. English education, mill-made cloth and other imported goods were boycotted. In its advocacy of the use of the Swadeshi, the Kuka movement forestalled, in the sixties of the last century, an important feature of the nationalist struggle under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.
Kukas even avoided use of the post of fives established by the British and depended upon their own system of postal communication. Messages from their leader were conveyed with special despatch and alacrity. A fast-riding follower would carry the letter to the next village where another devotee, setting all other work aside, would at once speed on with it. People left off their meals unfinished to reach forward a message.
A spirit of fanatical national fervour and religious enthusiasm grew among the Kukas and the personality of Baba Ram Singh became the focal point of a close and well-organized order. The prospect was not looked upon with equanimity by the government, who, after the incidents of 1857, had become extra watchful. When, in 1863, Baba Ram Singh wanted to go to Amritsar for Baisakhi celebrations to which he had invited his followers from all over the Punjab, the civil authority became alarmed. The Lieutenant-Governor charged the Deputy Inspector-General of Police and the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar to ascertain the real intentions of Baba Ram Singh and his companions. The of ficials were notin favour of imposing any restrictions, especially on the occasion of a religious fair. But two months later, when Kukas announced a meeting to be held at Khote, a village in Ferozepore district, prohibitory orders were issued banning all Kuka meetings.
The Kuka organization was subjected to strict secret vigilance, and intelligence officers in the districts sent in alarming reports about its aims and activities. It was bruited about that Baba Ram Singh was raising an army to fight the English. Bhaini and Hazro were kept under continuence survaillance. Baba Ram Singh was sent to Andaman islands under Life imprisonment for treason, he wrote letters to his disciples in Punjab and other places. A selection of letters was published by Dr Ganda Singh a few years ago. The letters reveal Baba Ram Singh's undying faith, his strength of character and his love for his followers. An occasional note of loneliness appears in these letters, though his spirit of patient fortitude always proved stronger.
Baba Ram Singh passed away on November 29, 1885. But many of his followers did not believe that he was dead. They continued to hope that he would one day come to the Punjab and free India from the shackles of the English.
The Kuka movement marked a significant stage in the development of national consciousness in the country. In the seventies of the last century, when the English were reinstalling themselves in India after the revolt of 1857, it gave them another rude jolt.
Like the Nirankaris, Namdharis also formed themselves into a separate sect. Today, they form a distinctly cohesive group among the Sikhs. Two things immediately mark them off from the latter—the style of their headgear and their adherence to the personality of their leader, Baba Jagjit Singh. Apparelled in immaculate, white homespun, they wind round their heads mull or longcloth without any semblance or embellishment and without giving it any sharp, emphatic lines.
While chanting the sacred hymns, they work themselves up to such ecstatic frenzy that they begin dancing and shouting. From these shouts and shrieks—kuk, in Punjabi—some humorously inclined youth in a Ludhiana village called them Kukas, little knowing that they were conferring upon the newly developing order a name which would be widely accepted and which would outlive the more carefully chosen appellations adopted by its authors.
The Kuka outbreak was followed by a secret campaign for the restoration of Maharaja Duleep Singh, the last Sikh king of the Punjab exiled by the British. The Punjab was in the 1880's astir with rumour. Anticipation filled the air. Reports were studiously kept in circulation that Duleep Singh would lead a Russian invasion into India and overthrow the British. A network of secret communication was laid out. Duleep Singh's emissaries kept infiltrating into India in spite of government vigilance. His statements and proclamations—as from "the Sovereign of the Sikh nation and Implacable Foe of the British Government"—were smuggled into the country for distribution. But he could not even get to India and died in a hotel in Paris. Dilip Singh, youngest son of Ranjit Singh had 6 children, 5 daughters and one son. All died issueless.
Article taken from these books.
encyclopedia of Sikhism edited by Harbans Singh ji.
More details on KUKA movement
In the post 1857 phase of freedom struggle Namdhari movement occupies a very significant place in the annals of history. It was founded at a time when the socio-religious teachings of the great Gurus were slowly being shadowed by other considerations and the political life was at its lowest ebb. Namdhari movement was an off shoot of Sikhism. The Kuka Movement was launched on the Baisaki day in April 1857 at Bhaini (sahib), in Ludhiana District of Punjab. The leader of the Namdhari movement Baba Ram Singh was inspired by Maharaj Singh’s struggle against aliens and worked for social reforms and gave a call for the political battle against the Britishers.
Baba Balak Singh, an Udasi Arora in Hazro, founded Namdhari sect popularly known as Kukas in the district of Rawalpindi in the Year 1847. Ram Singh, a carpenter, became his successor and moved the head quarters to Bhaini (Ludhiana).
The Kukas succeeded in keeping their real objective hidden from the Britishers for almost five year. The government however officially came to know of the Kukas in 1863 with the report submitted by the Deputy Commissioner of Sealkot.
With a view to impart impetus to the organization, Guru Ram Singh divided the whole country into 22 regions and each region was put under one able and wise person called the Suba or the lieutenant. Women participation was ensured by including Hukmi in the list of Suba’s to give representation to the women folk. Training in weapons began to be imparted and paramilitary was organized.
After the Sikhs lost the war against the British forces, the Khalsa army had been disbanded and many patriotic solders were being pursued. With the coming together of the Kukas, these patriotic soldiers grabbed this opportunity to join the Namdhari ( Kuka) movement. Besides the ex-soldiers the Kuka recruits included those who either were related to the ex-soldiers, or those who had turned against the British rule after the revolution of 1857,or even those who had were inspired by the Kukas and had thus resigned from the British service.
Guru Ram Singh adopted non-violence and non-cooperation as the two weapons to succeed in his mission. Kukas boycotted the English regime and everything connected with it was shunned. "English education, law courts, mill made cloth and other imported goods were boycotted." The Kukas also avoided the use of Post Offices and depended upon their own postal system, which was remarkably efficient. They adopted their own legal system and rejected the British system as it did not suit the Indian way of living. Guru Ram Singh himself held the courts initially and later on this responsibility was given to his lieutenants.
During their brief span, the Kukas had thrice revolted against the British. The first such attempt was made as early as in 1869 when a number of Kuka’s belonging to Ferozepur and Sirsa attacked the Deputy Inspector Dewan Baksh alongwith his constable Soobe Singh, snatched their weapons and wounded them.
The second episode occurred when in response to challenge given by the government by way of sacrilege of the Sikh religious places, the Kukas attacked the slaughterhouses at Amritsar and Raikot in June 1871. They freed the cows by murdering the butchers and fled away. The real perpetrators could not be traced and the blame of the act was put on 12 innocent Hindus and Sikhs by forced confessions these confessions were supported by false evidence extracted from these 12 people leading to the capital punishment of the lower court. The Kukas acting on the advice of their Guru surrendered and proved themselves guilty by producing the weapons thus exposing and eroding the faith of many on the British legal system. Four Kuka’s in this case were executed in September 1871 with a Banyan tree at Rambagh hanged and some others were sentenced to long term imprisonment.
The treatment meted out to the Kukas by the Government did not subdue them. In spite of the restriction imposed on Guru Ram Singh, Kukas gathered at Bhaini on the Maghi festival in January, 1872. One group decided to attack Malerkotla against the advice of the Guru. 68 Kukas were captured of which 66 were blown after tying them to the cannons. Subsequently another 16 Kukas were blasted at Malerkotla and four were sentenced to life imprisonment. Kukas headquarters at Bhaini was also searched. Nothing much of consequence was found except few kirpans, latchets and some ornamental Khukaris. Guru Ram Singh and eleven of his follower were deported to Rangoon. Ram Singh died in Rangoon in 1885.
Even though the number of Kukas were very small, they were little more than ten thousand in 1881, the movement occupies a very important place in the history and this became a source of inspiration for generations to come. Guru Ram Singh and the Kukas also occupy a prominent place in the history for they were amongst the first to initiate non-co-operation and the use of Swadeshi as political weapons. Boycott of British goods, government schools, law courts, even the postal service, use of hand spun cloth were some of the tools used by the Kukas as an expression of resentment against the foreign rule. These were the very things, which were propagated by Gandhiji after he came to the political scene.
Tuesday, December 21, 2010
Historical Sikh Events:Fall of Sarkar Khalsa
After the fall of kingdom of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, there were several attempts to raise the old glory of the Khalsa. Several movements to reform the Sikhism were started. First one being Nirankari movement, Which was started by Baba Dyal (1783-1855). He was contemporary of Ranjit Singh. A man of humble origin. He preached against the rites and rituals that were creeping into Sikhism. He saw that Sikhism was being assimiliated into Hindusim in front of his eyes. His main target was the worship of images against which he preached vigorously. He re-emphasized the Sikh belief in Nirankar—the Formless One. From this, the movement originating from his message came to be known as the Nirankari movement.
Situation after the fall of Sarkar Khalsa was were such that to quote Sardar Harbans Singh in Heritage of the Sikhs he says " The Sikhs were deeply galled at the fall of their kingdom, but not unduly dismayed. They attributed the outcome of their contest with the English to the chances of war. They were also aware that, despite the deceitfulness of courtiers such as Lal Singh and Tej Singh, they had fought the ferringhi squarely, and maintained their manly demeanour even in defeat. In this mood, it was easier for them to be reconciled to their lot after normalcy was restored. The peaceful spell which followed, however, produced an attitude of unwariness. Conventional and superstitious ritual which, forbidden by the Gurus, had become acceptable as an adjunct of regal pomp and ceremony during the days of Sikh power gained an increasing hold over the Sikh mind. The true teachings of the Gurus which had supplied Sikhism its potent principle of reform and regeneration were obscured by this rising tide of conservatism. The Sikh religion was losing its characteristic vigour and its votaries were relapsing into beliefs and dogmas from which the Gurus' teaching had extricated them. Absorption into ceremonial Hinduism seemed the course inevitably set for them."
Two factors which separated the Sikhs from other Punjabis were the outward marks of their faith, especially the kesas. Baba Dyal's influence was confined to the north-western districts of the Punjab. In 1851, he founded at Rawalpindi the Nirankari Darbar and gave this body the form of a sect. On his death, four years later, he was succeeded in the leadership of the community by his son, Baba Darbara singh . The latter continued to propagate his father' s teachings, prohibiting idolatrous worship, the use of alcohol and extravagant expenditure on weddings. He introduced in the Rawalpindi area the anand form of marrying rite. Anand, an austerely simple and inexpensive ceremony, became a cardinal point with leaders of subsequent Sikh reformation movements.
Sardar Harbans Singh ji further quote "What an unambiguous, crucial development the Nirankari movement was in Sikh life will be borne out by this excerpt from the annual report of the Ludhiana Christian Mission for 1853:
Sometime in the summer we heard of a movement . . .
which from the representations we received, seemed to indicate
a state of mind favourable to the reception of Truth.
It was deemed expedient to visit them, to ascertain the true
nature of the movement and, if possible, to give it a
proper direction. On investigation, however, it was found that
the whole movement was the result of the efforts of an
individual to establish a new panth (religious sect)
of which he should be the instructor They professedly
reject idolatry, and all reverence and respect for whatever
is held sacred by Sikhs or Hindus, except Nanak and his
Granth They are called Nirankaris, from their belief
in God, as a spirit without bodily form. The next great
fundamental principle of their religion is that salvation
is to be obtained by meditation of God. They regard Nanak as
their saviour, in asmuch as he taught them the way of salvation.
Of their peculiar practices only two things are learned.
First, they assemble every morning for worship, which
consists of bowing the head to the ground before the Granth,
making offerings and in hearing the Granth read by one of
their numbers, and explained also if their leader be present.
Secondly, they do not burn their dead, because that would
make them too much like Christians and Musalmans, but
throw them into the river."
Many people at this time held the view that British was trying to favour Sikhs by making sure that Sikhs were building institutions. The above comment by Ludhiana mission in 1853 discredits any such accusations since at that time British and Sikhs had just fought two lengthy wars. Also Nirankari movement was started four years after Anglo-Sikh war when relations between Sikhs and British were very bad. British only favoured Sikhs in early part of twentieth century when money and land for Khalsa college and other such institutions was granted by British (British also helped create institutions like Aligarh Muslim university and Benaras Hindu university, so Sikhs were not favoured on the expense of others).
This Nirankari movement in late 20th century was hijacked by Arya Samajis and other neo Hindu fanatics who wanted Sikhs to drop all their symbols and assimiliate into their religion. These New Neo Nirankaris who believed in "Living Gurus" confronted Sikhs at Amritsar in 1979 on the Baisakhi day when their living guru "Gurbachan" was trying to create Seven Stars just like Guru had created five beloved one's, obviously to proove to the Sikhs that he is more or less like Guru Gobind Singh (a very serious blasphamy for Sikhs, it is like telling christians or muslims that "I am christ" or "I am mohammad".
Sikhs under Akhand Kirtani Jatha started their march from Akal Takht to stop Gurbachan but were greeted by bullets. This whole incident was solely responsible for the turmoil in Punjab in 1980's. These new nirankaris have been aptly named "Naqli Nirankaris" or the "False Nirankaris".
.
Situation after the fall of Sarkar Khalsa was were such that to quote Sardar Harbans Singh in Heritage of the Sikhs he says " The Sikhs were deeply galled at the fall of their kingdom, but not unduly dismayed. They attributed the outcome of their contest with the English to the chances of war. They were also aware that, despite the deceitfulness of courtiers such as Lal Singh and Tej Singh, they had fought the ferringhi squarely, and maintained their manly demeanour even in defeat. In this mood, it was easier for them to be reconciled to their lot after normalcy was restored. The peaceful spell which followed, however, produced an attitude of unwariness. Conventional and superstitious ritual which, forbidden by the Gurus, had become acceptable as an adjunct of regal pomp and ceremony during the days of Sikh power gained an increasing hold over the Sikh mind. The true teachings of the Gurus which had supplied Sikhism its potent principle of reform and regeneration were obscured by this rising tide of conservatism. The Sikh religion was losing its characteristic vigour and its votaries were relapsing into beliefs and dogmas from which the Gurus' teaching had extricated them. Absorption into ceremonial Hinduism seemed the course inevitably set for them."
Two factors which separated the Sikhs from other Punjabis were the outward marks of their faith, especially the kesas. Baba Dyal's influence was confined to the north-western districts of the Punjab. In 1851, he founded at Rawalpindi the Nirankari Darbar and gave this body the form of a sect. On his death, four years later, he was succeeded in the leadership of the community by his son, Baba Darbara singh . The latter continued to propagate his father' s teachings, prohibiting idolatrous worship, the use of alcohol and extravagant expenditure on weddings. He introduced in the Rawalpindi area the anand form of marrying rite. Anand, an austerely simple and inexpensive ceremony, became a cardinal point with leaders of subsequent Sikh reformation movements.
Sardar Harbans Singh ji further quote "What an unambiguous, crucial development the Nirankari movement was in Sikh life will be borne out by this excerpt from the annual report of the Ludhiana Christian Mission for 1853:
Sometime in the summer we heard of a movement . . .
which from the representations we received, seemed to indicate
a state of mind favourable to the reception of Truth.
It was deemed expedient to visit them, to ascertain the true
nature of the movement and, if possible, to give it a
proper direction. On investigation, however, it was found that
the whole movement was the result of the efforts of an
individual to establish a new panth (religious sect)
of which he should be the instructor They professedly
reject idolatry, and all reverence and respect for whatever
is held sacred by Sikhs or Hindus, except Nanak and his
Granth They are called Nirankaris, from their belief
in God, as a spirit without bodily form. The next great
fundamental principle of their religion is that salvation
is to be obtained by meditation of God. They regard Nanak as
their saviour, in asmuch as he taught them the way of salvation.
Of their peculiar practices only two things are learned.
First, they assemble every morning for worship, which
consists of bowing the head to the ground before the Granth,
making offerings and in hearing the Granth read by one of
their numbers, and explained also if their leader be present.
Secondly, they do not burn their dead, because that would
make them too much like Christians and Musalmans, but
throw them into the river."
Many people at this time held the view that British was trying to favour Sikhs by making sure that Sikhs were building institutions. The above comment by Ludhiana mission in 1853 discredits any such accusations since at that time British and Sikhs had just fought two lengthy wars. Also Nirankari movement was started four years after Anglo-Sikh war when relations between Sikhs and British were very bad. British only favoured Sikhs in early part of twentieth century when money and land for Khalsa college and other such institutions was granted by British (British also helped create institutions like Aligarh Muslim university and Benaras Hindu university, so Sikhs were not favoured on the expense of others).
This Nirankari movement in late 20th century was hijacked by Arya Samajis and other neo Hindu fanatics who wanted Sikhs to drop all their symbols and assimiliate into their religion. These New Neo Nirankaris who believed in "Living Gurus" confronted Sikhs at Amritsar in 1979 on the Baisakhi day when their living guru "Gurbachan" was trying to create Seven Stars just like Guru had created five beloved one's, obviously to proove to the Sikhs that he is more or less like Guru Gobind Singh (a very serious blasphamy for Sikhs, it is like telling christians or muslims that "I am christ" or "I am mohammad".
Sikhs under Akhand Kirtani Jatha started their march from Akal Takht to stop Gurbachan but were greeted by bullets. This whole incident was solely responsible for the turmoil in Punjab in 1980's. These new nirankaris have been aptly named "Naqli Nirankaris" or the "False Nirankaris".
.
Historical Sikh Events: Reaffirmation of Sikh Values (1890 A.D - 1940 A.D )
After the decline of Sarkar Khalsa in 1850's, Khalsa population dwindeled very fast. There were over 1.5 million Sikhs when Ranjit Singh was ruling (1830's) but in the first survey conducted by British they found Sikhs to be numbered approximately 780,000 in Punjab. This survey furthers reiterates that Sikh numbers have gone down due to people being assimiliating into Hinduism. Those people who became khalsa during Ranjit Singh's time to take advantage through him, now left Khalsa. Hindu reform movements led by many reformists like Arya Samajis, etc all over India and Punjab were striking hard and zealously working to cut the numbers of Khalsa.
Dayanand, a Baniya Swami from Gujrat launched a movement called ARYA SAMAJ, which shunned Idol Worship but mocked Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind singh. Dayanand's ideals could be summed up in few words.
Idol Worship is bad.
Hindi is the only language of everyone in India.
Muslims can be converted to hindusim after Shuddhi rite.
Only way to worship is through old "Aryan" ways of Havan
Widows can be married.
Marriage between different castes is OK.
Even though many of these ideals are good and are in consistent with Sikhism. Dayanand made a grave mistake when he criticized Guru Nanak by calling him "a Fool". Anyway, Arya Samaj was only successful in Punjab where many Punjabi Hindus converted to Arya Samaj. Thus sowing the seeds of future confrontation.
Movements like Arya Samaj only helped Sikhs to reaffirm their values. Maharaja Rajinder Singh of Patiala on September 7, 1890. In the address presented to the Maharaja, it said: In peacetime, the Sikhs mostly are land-cultivators and artisans— poor men for the most part—and the light of western education and civilization has not reached them in their remote and ignorant villages. Lethargy has fallen upon the people. The beginnings of disintegration threaten. The religious faith in the Timeless God, once received with enthusiasm from the great Nanak and the sacred Gurus who followed him, is no longer the sustaining power it was. Even the few Khalsa students who come forth from the recognized colleges of the Punjab exhibit a tendency to despise and abandon the religious and civil traditions of their fathers, instead of becoming patriotic leaders to guide their people to higher planes of enlightened usefulness. The great educational institutions of the Province provide culture for "leisured" and well-to-do subjects of the Crown, and show even the less-favoured youth among Hindus and Mohammadans the way to emoluments in Government's services, at the Bar, and elsewhere. It is owing, however, to no want of energy on the part of the Sikhs that they have failed more largely to take advantage of these institutions, as may be seen from their readiness to join board and indigenous schools near their homes; but partly because of their traditionary surroundings (mainly agricultural), and partly because of their poverty, Sikh boys have hitherto found little opportunity for joining the larger schools and colleges, thus working their way to intellectual, moral and material advancement. The result is that the Sikh community is very poorly represented in the learned profession; and in posts of honour and responsibility in the civil administration. Sikhs now serving in the British army see their sons left in their native villages, far from the tide of civilization, which is being taken at the flood by the rising generation of other communities. Besides this the purely secular education imparted in public schools is calculated, under existing circumstances, to slowly obliterate the distinctive characteristics of the Sikhs, to check the development of the qualities which enabled them to attain to a proud position, and to merge them finally in the general mass of the surrounding population.
Thus, by 1890's Sikh effort was to create institutions which will strengthen Sikhism. Efforts were at last succeeded when decision to create the first Institution of Sikhs, Khalsa college Amritsar was agreed upon by all parties. Sir James Lyall, Governor of Punjab was invited to put the foundation-stone of the Khalsa College on March 5,1892. The teaching started with the opening on October 22, 1893, of middle school classes. This is how the report describes the inaugural ceremonies: The Khalsa School was opened on the 22nd October at Amritsar in the late Pandit Bihari Lal's house near the Hall Gate. The religious part of the opening ceremony was conducted a day earlier in the spacious Hall of the school premises, with great enthusiasm. Asa-diVar and other sacred hymns were sung by a selected body of trained musicians, and karahprasad was freely distributed. There was a very large gathering of native gentlemen present on the occasion, and they all rose to offer prayers to the Timeless God and to ask Him to grant prosperity to the new institution. After the ceremony was over, a procession was formed of those present, and the whole gathering consisting of about one thousand gentlemen moved, singing hymns, to the Town Hall where a public meeting was already arranged for. The spacious Hall was full, and many had to remain standing in the verandah and on the road.
The Singh Sabha movement made a deep impact on Sikh psyche. Sikhs understood that need of the hour was to protect their identity. Khalsa now was facing a different kind of threat, earlier Khalsa had faced military and persecution threat against its beliefs by Mughals. Now the threats were at the core beliefs of Khalsa, against Punjabi language, against Guru Nanak, against right to keep hair. Singh Sabha urged the Sikh youth to come back to Sikh ideals. Youth leaders like Kartar Singh Jhabbar used to preach in rural Punjab to stop Sikh youths from Drinking alcohol, and other wrong activities. Stimulated by the Singh Sabha preaching, the Sikh youth began to assemble for religious discussion . In 1891 was formed what came to be called the Khalsa Vidyarthi Sabha or the Sikh Students Club. This association of Sikh young men, the first of its kind, was established at Amritsar on the initiative of Dr Sundar Singh Sodhbans. The Sabha used to congregate every Saturday. The members would thereafter go to the Harimandir and circumambulate the sacred pool chanting hymns from the Guru Granth. They set up special programmes to mark the anniversaries connected with the lives of the Gurus. But Golden Temple management least appreciated their fervour. On the occasion of their annual meeting in September 1893, the students set out from Bunga Mananwalian reciting holy songs. They first went to the Akal Takht to offer ardas, but Bhai Multana Singh Ardasia refused to lead the prayer for them. He rejected the request for the reason that the young men were in sympathy with the Singh Sabha and had written in a local newspaper disparagingly about the Golden Temple priests.
Singh Sabha started a movement to free gurdwaras from the control of hereditory mahants. The Mahants were not only harassing the pilgrims but also going against the basic philosophy of Sikhism. Smoking, Idol Worshipping, drinking, abuse, etc was common at these pilgrims center under the influence of these mahants. Singh Sabha declared to free these gurdwaras through non-violent means. By 1928 almost all the Gurdwaras in Punjab were freed from the control of Mahants, more than 5000 Sikhs were martyred by these mahants, directly or indirectly. At Nankana Sahib Gurdwara , Mahant Narain Das, hired mercenaries to fire indiscriminate at the group of Singh Sabha members who had come to take control of the Gurdwara, about 200 were killed by firing, rest were burned alive by the mahant. Later he was punished by British government.
The affirmation in Sikh values played a great role in this period of 1890's to 1930's when Sikhs turned back to Khalsa and basic philosophy of Sikhism. Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee was established, which elected its officers to administer the gurdwaras all over Punjab and many other parts of country. Akali party later came out of Singh Sabha movement.
Dayanand, a Baniya Swami from Gujrat launched a movement called ARYA SAMAJ, which shunned Idol Worship but mocked Guru Nanak and Guru Gobind singh. Dayanand's ideals could be summed up in few words.
Idol Worship is bad.
Hindi is the only language of everyone in India.
Muslims can be converted to hindusim after Shuddhi rite.
Only way to worship is through old "Aryan" ways of Havan
Widows can be married.
Marriage between different castes is OK.
Even though many of these ideals are good and are in consistent with Sikhism. Dayanand made a grave mistake when he criticized Guru Nanak by calling him "a Fool". Anyway, Arya Samaj was only successful in Punjab where many Punjabi Hindus converted to Arya Samaj. Thus sowing the seeds of future confrontation.
Movements like Arya Samaj only helped Sikhs to reaffirm their values. Maharaja Rajinder Singh of Patiala on September 7, 1890. In the address presented to the Maharaja, it said: In peacetime, the Sikhs mostly are land-cultivators and artisans— poor men for the most part—and the light of western education and civilization has not reached them in their remote and ignorant villages. Lethargy has fallen upon the people. The beginnings of disintegration threaten. The religious faith in the Timeless God, once received with enthusiasm from the great Nanak and the sacred Gurus who followed him, is no longer the sustaining power it was. Even the few Khalsa students who come forth from the recognized colleges of the Punjab exhibit a tendency to despise and abandon the religious and civil traditions of their fathers, instead of becoming patriotic leaders to guide their people to higher planes of enlightened usefulness. The great educational institutions of the Province provide culture for "leisured" and well-to-do subjects of the Crown, and show even the less-favoured youth among Hindus and Mohammadans the way to emoluments in Government's services, at the Bar, and elsewhere. It is owing, however, to no want of energy on the part of the Sikhs that they have failed more largely to take advantage of these institutions, as may be seen from their readiness to join board and indigenous schools near their homes; but partly because of their traditionary surroundings (mainly agricultural), and partly because of their poverty, Sikh boys have hitherto found little opportunity for joining the larger schools and colleges, thus working their way to intellectual, moral and material advancement. The result is that the Sikh community is very poorly represented in the learned profession; and in posts of honour and responsibility in the civil administration. Sikhs now serving in the British army see their sons left in their native villages, far from the tide of civilization, which is being taken at the flood by the rising generation of other communities. Besides this the purely secular education imparted in public schools is calculated, under existing circumstances, to slowly obliterate the distinctive characteristics of the Sikhs, to check the development of the qualities which enabled them to attain to a proud position, and to merge them finally in the general mass of the surrounding population.
Thus, by 1890's Sikh effort was to create institutions which will strengthen Sikhism. Efforts were at last succeeded when decision to create the first Institution of Sikhs, Khalsa college Amritsar was agreed upon by all parties. Sir James Lyall, Governor of Punjab was invited to put the foundation-stone of the Khalsa College on March 5,1892. The teaching started with the opening on October 22, 1893, of middle school classes. This is how the report describes the inaugural ceremonies: The Khalsa School was opened on the 22nd October at Amritsar in the late Pandit Bihari Lal's house near the Hall Gate. The religious part of the opening ceremony was conducted a day earlier in the spacious Hall of the school premises, with great enthusiasm. Asa-diVar and other sacred hymns were sung by a selected body of trained musicians, and karahprasad was freely distributed. There was a very large gathering of native gentlemen present on the occasion, and they all rose to offer prayers to the Timeless God and to ask Him to grant prosperity to the new institution. After the ceremony was over, a procession was formed of those present, and the whole gathering consisting of about one thousand gentlemen moved, singing hymns, to the Town Hall where a public meeting was already arranged for. The spacious Hall was full, and many had to remain standing in the verandah and on the road.
The Singh Sabha movement made a deep impact on Sikh psyche. Sikhs understood that need of the hour was to protect their identity. Khalsa now was facing a different kind of threat, earlier Khalsa had faced military and persecution threat against its beliefs by Mughals. Now the threats were at the core beliefs of Khalsa, against Punjabi language, against Guru Nanak, against right to keep hair. Singh Sabha urged the Sikh youth to come back to Sikh ideals. Youth leaders like Kartar Singh Jhabbar used to preach in rural Punjab to stop Sikh youths from Drinking alcohol, and other wrong activities. Stimulated by the Singh Sabha preaching, the Sikh youth began to assemble for religious discussion . In 1891 was formed what came to be called the Khalsa Vidyarthi Sabha or the Sikh Students Club. This association of Sikh young men, the first of its kind, was established at Amritsar on the initiative of Dr Sundar Singh Sodhbans. The Sabha used to congregate every Saturday. The members would thereafter go to the Harimandir and circumambulate the sacred pool chanting hymns from the Guru Granth. They set up special programmes to mark the anniversaries connected with the lives of the Gurus. But Golden Temple management least appreciated their fervour. On the occasion of their annual meeting in September 1893, the students set out from Bunga Mananwalian reciting holy songs. They first went to the Akal Takht to offer ardas, but Bhai Multana Singh Ardasia refused to lead the prayer for them. He rejected the request for the reason that the young men were in sympathy with the Singh Sabha and had written in a local newspaper disparagingly about the Golden Temple priests.
Singh Sabha started a movement to free gurdwaras from the control of hereditory mahants. The Mahants were not only harassing the pilgrims but also going against the basic philosophy of Sikhism. Smoking, Idol Worshipping, drinking, abuse, etc was common at these pilgrims center under the influence of these mahants. Singh Sabha declared to free these gurdwaras through non-violent means. By 1928 almost all the Gurdwaras in Punjab were freed from the control of Mahants, more than 5000 Sikhs were martyred by these mahants, directly or indirectly. At Nankana Sahib Gurdwara , Mahant Narain Das, hired mercenaries to fire indiscriminate at the group of Singh Sabha members who had come to take control of the Gurdwara, about 200 were killed by firing, rest were burned alive by the mahant. Later he was punished by British government.
The affirmation in Sikh values played a great role in this period of 1890's to 1930's when Sikhs turned back to Khalsa and basic philosophy of Sikhism. Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee was established, which elected its officers to administer the gurdwaras all over Punjab and many other parts of country. Akali party later came out of Singh Sabha movement.
Historical Sikh Events: The Sepoy Mutiny 1857
Anglo Sikh Wars brought an end to the Khalsa rule in Punjab. These two series of wars, First Anglo Sikh War and Second Anglo Sikh War left Sikhs leaderless. The Dogra generals who lead Sikh armies were in alliance with British and reaped a profit of their own by getting small kingdoms (like Kashmir). In the years that followed the Anglo-Sikh wars of 1849, sikh armies were disbanded by the British imperialists. Then happened the mutiny of 1857, which was nothing more then an attempt by Marathas to bring back the old order of Mughals. Mutiny in British armed forces was encouraged and several hundreds of British women, children were murdered by these mutineers, all over North India. Eighty Years Bahadur Shah Zafar, from the lineage of Mughals was asked to take up the leadership of mutineers, which he reluctantly agreed. He had actually no other choice. During the Mutiny of 1857, the Muslims sought restoration of the rule of Muslim princes and rulers, and the Hindus hoped to put the Maratha rulers back into power. The princes of the two communities had a unity of purpose in putting up a common front against a common enemy, the British. Because of the earlier British repression of the Sikhs, they were too disorganised to think of putting up a united leadership to reclaim their lost kingdom. Sikh community was leaderless.
Moreover, the situation in the Punjab was quite different from the one that prevailed in the rest of India. An important and the main factor was that the Sikhs had nursed a serious grudge against the Purbias who, despite the Sikhs having never given them any cause for offence, had by their betrayal and other overt and covert acts, helped the British during the Anglo-Sikh wars and later in the annexation of Punjab. The British used the Sikh grievance and the consequent "natural hatred" towards lhe Purbias. Kavi Khazan Singh in his work, 'Jangnama Dilli', written in 1858, mentions that the Sikh participation against the Purbia soldiers was in reaction to their boast that they had vanquished the Sikhs in 1845-46 and in 1848-49. Another contemporary observer noted: "The animosity between the Sikhs and the Purhias is notorious. The former gave out that they would not allow the latter to pass through their country. It was, therefore, determined to take advantage of this ill feeling and to stimulate it by the offer of rewards for every Hindostanee sepoy who should be captured. The bitter memories of Purhia co-operation with the British were so fresh in Sikh minds that any coalition between the two became impossible. The people who now claimed to be fighters for freedom were the same who, eight years earlier, had actively helped the British to usurp Sikh sovereignty. On top of that they were trying to bring back the same Mughal empire which over the years had wreak havocs on Sikh Gurus and famous Gursikhs.
The pleas of Purbias were so hollow and incongruous with their earlier conduct, that they fell on deaf ears of the agprieved Punjabi Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims whose independence they had helped the British to roh. Besides, it is a well-accepted view that the risings in 1857 were just revolts by the princes to regain their feudal or territorial rights. It was far from being any ideological struggle for any common Indian interest. In this context, the Sikhs in the background of their rule in Punjab and egalitarian tradition could harldy be expected to side with Muslim and Hindu princes to regain their kingdoms, nor could religious taboos which affected Hindu and Muslim sentiments, against many of which the Sikh Gurus had led a crusade, in any measure inflame Sikh sentiments. It was on account of all this that the Punjab was not afiected hy the rebellion which convulsed the rest of northern India. Punjabi Mussalmans turned a deaf ear to their Hindustani co-religionists exhortation of Jihad against the pig-eating despoilers of Islam. Punjabi Hindus and, with greater reason, the Sikhs refused to listen to the belated appeal to save Hindu Dharma from beefeating foreigners who used cow fat to grease their cartridges. However, there were stray cases of Sikhs joining the mutineers. It was reported that a large number of Sikhs gathered at Ropar and declared the Khalsa Raj for which the leader of the band was immediately put to death. A Sikh Chief, Raja Nahar Singh, was executed for supporting the cause of the rebels. After annexation Bhai Maharaj Singh had moved from village to village in Majha region and incited the people to rebel.
The Cis-Satluj chiefs of Patiala, Malerkotla, Kalsia, Nabha, Faridkot and Jind, along with their mercenary forces, rendered full help to the British in suppressing the rebellion. These chiefs owed their existence to the British and were always outside the main Punjab, being hostile to Ranjit Singh. They still remembered with gratitude the support extended to them hy the British against Maharaja Ranjit Singh. But for the British protection, Ranjit Singh would have overpowered them long ago.
This mutiny led British to recruit for their armed forces heavily among the communities which had been neutral to this rebellion. Especially, Gurkhas, Rajputs of Rajasthan, Punjabi Muslims and Sikhs. Sikhs started enlisting with British forces and were thus back to the profession of their liking, the military services.
Ninety Years later when India became independent Indian leaders decided to call the Mutiny of 1857 as "The first war of Independence", which in reality was the last war of Mughals.
Excerpts taken from these books.
Sikhism, its philosophy and History, edited by Daljeet Singh and Kharak Singh.
The radical Bhagats written by Daljeet Singhj ji.
ALLAHABAD
Although everything was quiet at Allahabad at this time, the situation was very confused and the news of the mutiny in the north caused considerable anxiety and doubt. However, no precautionary measures were considered necessary until the 5th of June, when all civilians and women and children were ordered into the fort. This was just in time, for, at 10 p.m. on the 6th of June, the 6th Native Infantry, which was stationed in the cantonments two miles from the fort, unexpectedly mutinied. The men attacked their officers in the mess and then plundered the treasury. Incendiary, rapine and murder followed. The mutineers were joined by all the town rabble, and their savagery was terrible and continued for days.
Although the Commissioner and other senior officers were unprepared, Lieutenant Brasyer was ready and, as soon as the firing started in the cantonment, he quietly assembled his men and gave them instructions and encouragement. There were three guards of the 6th Native Infantry, numbering about two hundred men, in the fort in charge of the different gates. Lieutenant Brasyer, entirely on his own initiative, decided to disarm these men. He immediately went to the main gate with a party of Sikhs and instructed the officer in command of the guard to order his men to give up their arms. The guard, who, it was afterwards learnt, had been given ammunition to hold the gate for the rebels, defiantly refused. Lieutenant Brasyer saw that determined action was necessary, so he caused his Sikhs to support him and advanced towards the guard. It was thought that the Sikhs might join the mutineers, but Brasyer had an irresistible influence over his men and the Sikhs did not waver.
Lieutenant Brasyer immediately ordered the guard to pile arms and stand clear. The guard hesitated and one man lunged forward at Brasyer with his bayonet, but the officer's orderly knocked aside the musket and saved his life. The Sikhs now adopted a determined attitude and the mutinous guard, seeing that the Sikhs were firm; gave way. Brasyer then personally disarmed all the men of the 6th Native Infantry in the fort and his Sikhs supported him throughout. The guards were made prisoners and turned out of the fort the next day.
As soon as the guards had been disarmed, Lieutenant Brasyer organized the defence of the fort, which he held against the rebels with his four hundred Sikhs, a party of invalid British artillerymen and a small number of volunteer civilians until reinforcements arrived.
The following is an extract from the London Times of that time
Lieutenant Brasyer commanded the Seikhs at Allahabad. It was to him that the Europeans were indebted for preventing the rebels from taking the fort.
This was the first important British success in the Mutiny and it was a stroke which has never been properly appreciated. Allahabad was the key to the north-west and, once secured, it formed an advanced base of operations. But for Brasyer's initiative and intrepidity, the war against the mutineers would have taken a very different course.
The importance of Lieutenant Brasyer's success is borne out by this extract from a report by Lord Canning, the Governor-General, to the Government
I shall not be surprised if that strong fortress Allahabad, with all its valuable stores and war munitions, has fallen into the hands of the insurgents. That would indeed be a climax to our misfortunes, more serious than the seizure of Delhi.
After the 6th of June the fort was subjected to a desultory siege, for the place was surrounded by a large force of rebels, who remained in possession of the bazaar and city. The rebels were well armed and had two guns. Brasyer wrote as follows about his Sikhs at this time
All this time my faithful Seikhs, on whom so much depended, were craving to be led against the enemy outside, or anywhere, rather than be kept idle within the Fortress, so I found it necessary to temporise with them a little. `Now, as we are all on special duty, doing hard work, and in hot weather,' said I, `let us discard the cap and heavy clothing. Adopt your national dress, and show how Seikhs can fight, and save this Fort and all within it.
The Ferozepore Sikhs therefore from this time on discarded their caps and heavy coats and wore red turbans and Sikh blouses throughout the Mutiny. This pleased the men immensely, especially as Brasyer himself adopted the dress.
A few days later Colonel James Neill arrived with a British battalion, the 1st Madras Fusiliers, and took over command at Allahabad. By this time the whole countryside had broken out into revolt, so from the 12th of June Colonel Neill carried out a series of vigorous sorties against the rebels. The Ferozepore Regiment, now known as Brasyer's Sikhs; played a prominent part in these operations and won further distinctions. These sorties met with considerable success and the district was soon in a state of submission. On the 17th of June the rebels were defeated and driven out of the city and the British administration was reestablished.
Before the end of the month Lieutenant Montague arrived from Mirzapore with the remainder of the Regiment and joined Brasyer, who had been promoted to captain for his gallantry at the beginning of the month.
The situation at Cawnpore was now serious and it was essential to send a force to relieve the British garrison as soon as possible. Transport was immediately collected and an advance column, consisting of Madras Fusiliers and Ferozepore Sikhs, set out for Cawnpore; on the 30th of June.
On the same day General Havelock arrived in Allahabad with the 64th and 84th Foot and the 78th Highlanders, and he set off for Cawnpore a few days later, taking with him his British troops and a detachment of the Ferozepore Sikhs. By this time Cawnpore had been captured by the rebels, so General Havelock decided to drive them out and then march to the relief of Lucknow, where the British were besieged in the Residency.
A portion of the Ferozepore Sikhs were left behind in Allahabad, under Lieutenant Montague, to hold the fort and patrol the surrounding district. Here the Sikhs did excellent work and fought several successful engagements with parties of mutineers in the area. On one occasion a guard of two non-commissioned officers and eight sepoys, surrounded by about a thousand rebels at Sahunga, gallantly rescued a wounded British officer and fought their way back through the rebels to the main guard.
CAWNPORE
General Havelock joined forces with the advanced column on the 12th of July and moved on towards Cawnpore in very trying conditions in the hot weather. On the following day, just as the combined force was preparing to camp
near the village of Fathepur, a large party of mutineers advanced from the village to attack the British force. Although his men were exhausted after a long march under a scorching sun, Havelock decided to attack. He immediately deployed his troops and utterly routed the enemy in a short, sharp fight. After a much-needed rest on the next day, the force continued the march early on the 15th of July. However, it was found that the enemy had re-formed and was holding the village of Aong in strength. General Havelock immediately attacked the enemy positions and threw back the mutineers at the point of the bayonet. It was now learnt that the enemy was preparing to blow the important bridge over the Pandu river, six miles farther on, so Havelock had to push on without resting in order to save the bridge and secure a passage over the river. Brasyer's Sikhs moved forward in skirmishing order and occupied the cliffs overlooking the bridge. This enabled the guns to come forward and cover the Madras Fusiliers, who stormed the bridge and put the enemy to flight.
The same evening General Havelock learnt that a number of women and children had been made prisoner at Cawnpore and had to be rescued at all costs. He therefore decided to continue the advance without delay, even though his men had had no rest and the column was still twenty-two miles from Cawnpore On the 16th of July the force advanced to within a few miles of the town before meeting any resistance. Here some ten thousand rebels opposed the British advance on the town. General Havelock personally led his now-small force of nine hundred men round the enemy's left flank and took the enemy by surprise from the rear. The 78th Highlanders were in the lead and rolled up the enemy's left flank with a brilliant charge. The 64th and 84th Foot and Brasyer's Sikhs then passed through and carried the enemy's position. They captured the guns on the right and the enemy retreated. Leaving the guns behind, protected by Brasyer's Sikhs, the British infantry regiments followed up their success and inflicted further losses on the enemy, who eventually lost heart and fled in disorder.
General Havelock and his men camped for the night in the open and entered Cawnpore early on the 17th of July, but they were too late to stop the brutal murder of the women and children by the mutineers.
Forest, in his History of the Indian Mutiny, wrote as follows about
Havelock's advance from Allahabad
In nine days Havelock and his veterans had marched 126 miles under an Indian sun in the hottest season of the year, each man carrying a heavy weight of ammunition, and had won four pitched battles and sundry combats against highly disciplined troops far exceeding them in number. During four days' fighting they had killed or wounded many hundreds of their enemies, and had captured twenty-three pieces of artillery. Their advance had been one of suffering, of privation, and of fatigue. . . . Battle after battle was won by desperate fighting; the cholera and the sunstroke slew many survivors of the combat, but on they went with unflinching resolution until Cawnpore was reached.
After a few days' rest Havelock, leaving General Neill with a small force to hold Cawnpore, crossed the River Ganges by boat and set out to march to the relief of Lucknow, forty-five miles away. His force, which was only fifteen hundred strong and included Brasyer's Sikhs, moved out on the 29th of July and almost immediately encountered a large force of the enemy opposing their advance. Havelock drove the enemy out of the villages of Unao and Basiratganj and utterly defeated them in two brilliant battles. However, Havelock's force was seriously depleted by sickness and battle casualties and he had to withdraw to Mangalwar; a few miles north of the river, and await reinforcements. It was quite obvious that the remnants of his force had little chance of forcing the way to Lucknow and carrying out the relief of the besieged garrison in the Residency. Forrest wrote in his History
Two victories had been won. But if the road to Lucknow was to be so roughly contested there was little chance of reaching the Residency. What soldiers could do Havelock's men had achieved. But they could not fight the pestilence of the tropics. For some days cholera and dysentery had done deadly work among them. A sixth of his force had perished-half on the battlefield, half by disease.
A few days later Havelock received a small number of reinforcements and a few guns, so he moved forward again on the 5th of August. He encountered the enemy in Basiratganj and utterly routed the rebels for a second time, but again was forced to withdraw to Mangalwar. He was still not strong enough to fight his way to Lucknow, which was reported to be held by thirty thousand mutineers.
On the 11th of August Cawnpore was threatened by four thousand mutineers, who had arrived in Bithur from Saugor, and General Neill called for aid, while, at the same time, the enemy was also reported to be collecting again in Basiratganj. Havelock was determined to strike another blow before recrossing the river to Cawnpore, and he set out with his force the same evening. He once again defeated the enemy in a fierce battle a few miles north of Basiratganj during the next morning, and then withdrew for a third time and crossed the river to Cawnpore.
On the 16th of August Havelock led his much-depleted force against the mutineers in Bithur. After a long march of eight hours the weary force gained contact with the enemy, who were holding one of the strongest positions that Havelock had ever seen, around the village. Havelock decided not to wait, and his men assaulted the position with great gallantry. After some hard hand-tohand fighting the position was carried and the enemy utterly routed. Brasyer's Sikhs were on the left flank and threw back a large force of the enemy, entrenched in the bank of a nullah, at the point of the bayonet and captured his guns.
After the battle Havelock returned to Cawnpore and issued his famous order of the day in which he said
Soldiers, your labours, your privations, your sufferings and your valour will not be forgotten by a grateful country.
This quotation is inscribed on his statue in Trafalgar Square, and on the reverse The Regiment of Brasyer's Sikhs is included amongst the units listed as the Defenders of Lucknow. The 14th Sikhs are the only unit of the Indian Army mentioned on a monument in England.
Owing to casualties and the serious sickness from cholera and other diseases amongst his British troops, Havelock had to remain in Cawnpore for nearly a month awaiting reinforcements. There was very little fighting and the Ferozepore Regiment was detailed to escort a convoy of sick and wounded to Allahabad. The Sikhs escorted the wounded safely back, in spite of encountering a number of rebels during the journey, and then returned to Cawnpore.
In the middle of September Sir James Outram arrived in Cawnpore with a large force of reinforcements and bridging operations over the Ganges were begun. The mutineers attacked the bridge from the northern bank and Brasyer's Sikhs were sent over to cover the construction. The Sikhs drove the enemy back and the bridge was completed without further interference.
On the 21st of September two brigades, about three thousand strong all told, set out for Lucknow under General Havelock, accompanied by Sir James Outram.
The enemy opposed the advance at Mangalwar and at Alambagh, in the southern outskirts of Lucknow, and were utterly defeated by the British in two gallant battles. Havelock and Outram halted at Alambagh on the 24th of September while they decided the best means of extricating the British forces in the Residency.
RELIEF AND DEFENCE OF LUCKNOW
The sick and wounded, heavy baggage and large supply train were left at Alambagh, protected by a guard of three hundred men drawn from all units, in the force.
On the 25th of September the advance from Alambagh began. General Neill's Brigade was in the lead and the 78th Highlanders and Ferozepore Regiment were detailed as rearguard and ordered to hold the bridge at Charbagh until everything had passed. The Madras Fusiliers, with the 84th Foot, forced the bridge and Havelock then led his force round east of the city. This move evidently surprised the rebels, for he met no serious opposition until he arrived a short distance from the Residency. Meanwhile, the Highlanders and Sikhs were heavily engaged at Charbagh, where they were attacked by a large force of rebels. After three hours' fighting they defeated the enemy and were able to push on. However, they had lost touch with the main British column and took the wrong road. This mistake proved most fortunate, for they suddenly encountered the rear of some guns which were holding up Havelock's advance and rushed them without ceremony. The 78th Highlanders and Ferozepore Regiment were now in front. The Residency was only some five hundred yards away, but since it was now dusk and the column was strung out over a considerable distance General Outram suggested halting. General Havelock, however, was determined to reach the Residency without delay and ordered the 78th High-landers and Brasyer's Sikhs to advance. This column, led by Sir James Outram and General Havelock, dashed forward through the narrow streets of flat-roofed, loopholed houses held by the mutineers. The Highlanders and Sikhs fought their way forward with desperate gallantry under continuous fire from the enemy and eventually reached the Bailey Guard Gate of the Residency to the deafening cheers of the gallant garrison. In describing the assault Brasyer wrote
Onward went the devoted band into a fire that seemed, as General Havelock said, as if nothing could live under it. The Highlanders, being Europeans, were placed in front, but the Seikhs followed them closely, pressed eagerly forward, and loudly cheered. Eventually it became a pell mell race for who should be first. Here Neill fell. Continuing this rushing, the troops were all intermixed, jumping over cuttings, and other obstacles in the street, until they finally reached the gateway of the Residency. But this was not only shut, but barricaded. A scramble ensued, the enemy firing from the roofs and windows of houses at us in every direction. At this moment I caught sight of a gap at the side of the gate, forced my way through this, and in reality was the first European of the relieving force who entered the beleaguered Lucknow Residency.
During the day's desperate fighting many acts of gallantry were performed and the Regiment suffered a very large proportion of casualties. One noteworthy feat of gallantry was that of Sepoy Nihal Singh, of the Ferozepore Sikhs, who carried General Neill, when he was mortally wounded in the final charge, to the rear under heavy fire.
The rearguard, with a number of sick and wounded, had not been able to reach the Residency and had remained in the Moti Mahal. So, on the next day, a detachment of the 5th Fusiliers and Brasyer's Sikhs was sent to reinforce them and help them to withdraw to the Residency. Although the Sikhs and Fusiliers fought their way through and drove the enemy back from the buildings and gardens adjacent to the Mod Mahal, the enemy fire from the Kaiserbagh was found to be too heavy to admit of the rearguard convoy being moved back. Further reinforcements from the 78th Highlanders were then sent forward and the rearguard was safely withdrawn to the Residency after dark.
After arriving in the Residency area Sir James Outram took over, from General Havelock, the command of the British forces. Although the rebels had been outwitted, they had not been decisively defeated and still occupied the city in great strength. It was found to be quite impracticable to carry out the original intention of withdrawing the besieged people in the Residency and all the relieving force could do was to aid its defences. Although this was not really a relief of the Residency, it was a very gallant rescue from a situation of the gravest peril. There were now 2,000 additional troops, so there was no longer an imminent danger of the garrison being overwhelmed. However, the Residency was besieged as closely as ever, and Sir James Outram had to stand on the defensive and await relief in his turn.
With the increased number of troops in the Residency positions had to be enlarged and so for the next few days several sorties were made to improve the position. The Regiment of Ferozepore was in General Havelock's sector and took part in the sorties along the eastern face of the Residency to clear the enemy from the gardens and houses up to the Chata Manzil. These sorties were entirely successful and improved the defences of the Residency. Lieutenant Cross, of the Ferozepore Sikhs, was wounded in one of these sorties, but otherwise the Regiment suffered very few casualties.
On account of the Sikhs' good service, General Havelock promoted each man to a grade higher in rank, and all subadars were granted the 1st Class Indian Order of Merit.
For the next two months Brasyer's Sikhs were put in charge of the Bailey guard, one of the most important positions in the Residency, and they also held the defences on the right of General Havelock's sector bordering the Pyne Bagh. Outram's force was given no rest by the enemy and it had always to be on the alert. Duties were constant and arduous, while rations were scanty throughout the siege. On one occasion, when the enemy blew a breach in the defences, a detachment of the Ferozepore Sikhs checked a large force of the enemy who stormed the breach, and gave the garrison time to form and repulse the enemy. Jemadar Gowahir Shah was in command of the guard and was awarded the Indian Order of Merit for his gallant conduct.
At last, on the 17th of November, a relieving force under General Sir Colin Campbell, Commander-in-Chief in India, arrived at Lucknow. The situation at Cawnpore, however, had again become: critical and General Campbell had to return there as quickly as possible. He therefore decided to evacuate the Residency and return to deal with the rebels at Lucknow at a later date. On the night of the 22nd November all the British forces were withdrawn successfully from the Residency together with all the women, children and wounded. The enemy were taken completely by surprise by this operation, which had been carefully planned and boldly executed.
General Outram was left with a force of some four thousand men to hold Alambagh and contain the enemy at Lucknow. The Ferozepore Regiment was included in General Outram's force and held defensive works at Alambagh for three months. Duties were very arduous on account of the large perimeter to be held. while the enemy kept in constant touch and there were almost daily skirmishes and minor encounters. The enemy delivered a number of attacks, but these were all beaten off with losses to the rebels.
On the 22nd of December General Outram took the offensive and threw back a large enemy force which had attempted to sever his communications to Cawnpore. Reporting on this action, Outram wrote
The gallant way in which, with a, cheer, the 78th and the Regiment of Ferozepore, led by their commanders, dashed at a strong position held by the enemy (30,000 men and 6 heavy guns), excited much admiration.
On another occasion a most determined attack was made by the enemy on the defences held by the Ferozepore Regiment. Before dashing off to counter-attack the enemy Captain Brasyer sent the following message, scribbled on an envelope, to General Outram : General, the enemy is in force on our right picket; I am off. This action was completely successful and five thousand of the enemy were driven off. Later General Outram told Brasyer that his scribbled report satisfied him more than all the documents tied with red tape he had ever received. Forrest, in his book, wrote
Full justice was not done by Sir Colin Campbell or the Chief-of-Staff to Outram's defence of Alambagh, which must be viewed as a fine example of courage and good conduct, and will always stand out as a glorious episode in the annals of the Indian Mutiny.
CAPTURE OF LUCKNOW
At the beginning of March, 1858, Sir Colin Campbell, with a large, well equipped force, joined General Outram at Alambagh and started methodical operations against the rebels at Lucknow,, The enemy were holding three lines of defences north of the city covering the Kaiserbagh, their citadel. These had been strengthened since the relief of the Residency, and houses were now fortified and roads barricaded.
Sir Colin's plan was to send General Outram with his division north of the River Gumti to turn the rebels' position, while his main force attacked the Kaiserbagh from Dilkusha Park.
For a few days the Ferozepore Regiment, now only three hundred and twenty strong, protected the Commander-in-Chief's camp, but it was soon in action against the enemy and took part in the operations to force back the rebels from their first line of defences along the canal. By the 13th of March the British had reached the Little Emambarra, which was held in strength and had to be captured. On the 14th of March one hundred men of the Ferozepore Regiment, under Captain da Costa, with two companies of the 10th Foot, assaulted breaches in the walls of the Little Emambarra, while Captain Brasyer and a hundred more Sikhs assaulted some houses to a flank. Since he had no other British combatant officer available, Captain Brasyer placed the Colours with an escort in charge of the medical officer, Surgeon J. Browne, and ordered him to keep close to him. These orders were faithfully carried out.
Brasyer's party captured and set fire to the houses on the flank and then, climbing 'up on to some flat roofs, set out towards the Little Emambarra itself. It arrived just as the assault was launched. This diversion enabled the storming troops to advance with unexpected ease. They soon captured the Emambarra, and the Colours of the Ferozepore Regiment were planted over the gateway. The day's objective had been captured, but the Sikhs were eager to follow up their success and Captain Brasyer described the next phase of the battle as follows
The men were excited and eager to go on. Without orders, my Seikhs like monkeys climbed a wall and opened a large gate which gave outlet from the smaller Emambarra, while I, with other officers, joined them. A rush such as nothing could stop followed. The General (Franks) smiled as he cheered my men, but issued no order. This acquiescence was enough, I knew what he wanted. My Seikhs like greyhounds let loose, passed into the street, deafening cheers encouraged us, while the General and his staff followed in support. We rushed onwards, cleared 40 guns in battery en route, driving all before us. Pickaxe and shovel were next at work, and soon a breach was opened in an outer wall.
The Sikhs and the 90th Light Infantry, led by Captains Brasyer and Havelock(Son of General Havelock.), rushed forward and fought their way into an enclosure adjoining the Kaiserbagh under terrible fire. Havelock ran back for reinforcements, and a party of the 10th Foot advanced and captured a small bazaar in rear of the Tara Kothi and mess-house, which were held by some six thousand rebels. This bold move completely surprised the enemy, who made as though they would rush Brasyer's party and force their way out into the city. However, Havelock, seeing the danger, dashed forward with a party of Sikhs and captured two bastions in the last line of defences, turned the guns on to the rebels and drove them towards the Chatar Manzil. Reinforcements followed up quickly and before long the whole of Kaiserbagh was in British hands. Meanwhile, Brasyer had dashed into the centre of the palace, climbed on the top and pushed the Queen's Colour through a gunshot hole in the highest dome, as a signal that the citadel had been captured. The Ferozepore Regiment suffered heavy casualties in this battle and Captain da Costa was among those killed.
General Franks, in his report of that day, wrote
No words of mine could give due credit to Major Brasyer's courageous conduct. Ever to the front, he was to be seen courageously leading his men wherever the enemy were to be found.
On the 16th of March Brasyer's Sikhs formed part of General Outram's force which captured the Residency and the iron bridge. Major Brasyer was seriously wounded in these operations, but refused to relinquish command of his Sikhs and had to be carried on a litter at the head of the Battalion for several days.
The rebels had been completely defeated in these battles and Lucknow was once again safely in British hands.
After the capture of Lucknow the Ferozepore Regiment joined the Oudh Field Force and took part in a number of minor encounters in rounding up parties of rebels and pacifying the countryside. During this period Lieutenant Montague, with the Allahabad detachment, arrived back in the Battalion.
Operations came to an end in June, 1859, and the Regiment marched to Ferozepore, its home station. Brasyer wrote
The remnant of the gallant four hundred marched into Ferozepore on the 7th September, with drums and fifes playing, and colours all tattered and torn, after an arduous campaign of two years and four months, and thirteen years of faithful service under the British Government.
For its service in the Indian Mutiny the Regiment was allowed to bear on its Colours the inscription Lucknow, Defence and Capture, while as a special mark of distinction for its outstanding conduct the Governor-General issued orders that the men of the Regiment of Ferozepore were permitted to wear red safas (turbans), like those in which they had fought, instead of native infantry caps-a privilege of which the Regiment still avails itself on ceremonial parades.
The staff of one of the Colours was broken by a bullet at the relief of Lucknow and was mended with a plain brass ring. This staff still carries the Regimental Colour today, although the actual Colour has been renewed on two occasions since that time.
Only five British officers served with the Ferozepore Regiment during the Mutiny: of these one was killed and three wounded. Brasyer commanded the Regiment throughout the Mutiny, starting as a lieutenant and ending up as a lieutenant-colonel.
Moreover, the situation in the Punjab was quite different from the one that prevailed in the rest of India. An important and the main factor was that the Sikhs had nursed a serious grudge against the Purbias who, despite the Sikhs having never given them any cause for offence, had by their betrayal and other overt and covert acts, helped the British during the Anglo-Sikh wars and later in the annexation of Punjab. The British used the Sikh grievance and the consequent "natural hatred" towards lhe Purbias. Kavi Khazan Singh in his work, 'Jangnama Dilli', written in 1858, mentions that the Sikh participation against the Purbia soldiers was in reaction to their boast that they had vanquished the Sikhs in 1845-46 and in 1848-49. Another contemporary observer noted: "The animosity between the Sikhs and the Purhias is notorious. The former gave out that they would not allow the latter to pass through their country. It was, therefore, determined to take advantage of this ill feeling and to stimulate it by the offer of rewards for every Hindostanee sepoy who should be captured. The bitter memories of Purhia co-operation with the British were so fresh in Sikh minds that any coalition between the two became impossible. The people who now claimed to be fighters for freedom were the same who, eight years earlier, had actively helped the British to usurp Sikh sovereignty. On top of that they were trying to bring back the same Mughal empire which over the years had wreak havocs on Sikh Gurus and famous Gursikhs.
The pleas of Purbias were so hollow and incongruous with their earlier conduct, that they fell on deaf ears of the agprieved Punjabi Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims whose independence they had helped the British to roh. Besides, it is a well-accepted view that the risings in 1857 were just revolts by the princes to regain their feudal or territorial rights. It was far from being any ideological struggle for any common Indian interest. In this context, the Sikhs in the background of their rule in Punjab and egalitarian tradition could harldy be expected to side with Muslim and Hindu princes to regain their kingdoms, nor could religious taboos which affected Hindu and Muslim sentiments, against many of which the Sikh Gurus had led a crusade, in any measure inflame Sikh sentiments. It was on account of all this that the Punjab was not afiected hy the rebellion which convulsed the rest of northern India. Punjabi Mussalmans turned a deaf ear to their Hindustani co-religionists exhortation of Jihad against the pig-eating despoilers of Islam. Punjabi Hindus and, with greater reason, the Sikhs refused to listen to the belated appeal to save Hindu Dharma from beefeating foreigners who used cow fat to grease their cartridges. However, there were stray cases of Sikhs joining the mutineers. It was reported that a large number of Sikhs gathered at Ropar and declared the Khalsa Raj for which the leader of the band was immediately put to death. A Sikh Chief, Raja Nahar Singh, was executed for supporting the cause of the rebels. After annexation Bhai Maharaj Singh had moved from village to village in Majha region and incited the people to rebel.
The Cis-Satluj chiefs of Patiala, Malerkotla, Kalsia, Nabha, Faridkot and Jind, along with their mercenary forces, rendered full help to the British in suppressing the rebellion. These chiefs owed their existence to the British and were always outside the main Punjab, being hostile to Ranjit Singh. They still remembered with gratitude the support extended to them hy the British against Maharaja Ranjit Singh. But for the British protection, Ranjit Singh would have overpowered them long ago.
This mutiny led British to recruit for their armed forces heavily among the communities which had been neutral to this rebellion. Especially, Gurkhas, Rajputs of Rajasthan, Punjabi Muslims and Sikhs. Sikhs started enlisting with British forces and were thus back to the profession of their liking, the military services.
Ninety Years later when India became independent Indian leaders decided to call the Mutiny of 1857 as "The first war of Independence", which in reality was the last war of Mughals.
Excerpts taken from these books.
Sikhism, its philosophy and History, edited by Daljeet Singh and Kharak Singh.
The radical Bhagats written by Daljeet Singhj ji.
ALLAHABAD
Although everything was quiet at Allahabad at this time, the situation was very confused and the news of the mutiny in the north caused considerable anxiety and doubt. However, no precautionary measures were considered necessary until the 5th of June, when all civilians and women and children were ordered into the fort. This was just in time, for, at 10 p.m. on the 6th of June, the 6th Native Infantry, which was stationed in the cantonments two miles from the fort, unexpectedly mutinied. The men attacked their officers in the mess and then plundered the treasury. Incendiary, rapine and murder followed. The mutineers were joined by all the town rabble, and their savagery was terrible and continued for days.
Although the Commissioner and other senior officers were unprepared, Lieutenant Brasyer was ready and, as soon as the firing started in the cantonment, he quietly assembled his men and gave them instructions and encouragement. There were three guards of the 6th Native Infantry, numbering about two hundred men, in the fort in charge of the different gates. Lieutenant Brasyer, entirely on his own initiative, decided to disarm these men. He immediately went to the main gate with a party of Sikhs and instructed the officer in command of the guard to order his men to give up their arms. The guard, who, it was afterwards learnt, had been given ammunition to hold the gate for the rebels, defiantly refused. Lieutenant Brasyer saw that determined action was necessary, so he caused his Sikhs to support him and advanced towards the guard. It was thought that the Sikhs might join the mutineers, but Brasyer had an irresistible influence over his men and the Sikhs did not waver.
Lieutenant Brasyer immediately ordered the guard to pile arms and stand clear. The guard hesitated and one man lunged forward at Brasyer with his bayonet, but the officer's orderly knocked aside the musket and saved his life. The Sikhs now adopted a determined attitude and the mutinous guard, seeing that the Sikhs were firm; gave way. Brasyer then personally disarmed all the men of the 6th Native Infantry in the fort and his Sikhs supported him throughout. The guards were made prisoners and turned out of the fort the next day.
As soon as the guards had been disarmed, Lieutenant Brasyer organized the defence of the fort, which he held against the rebels with his four hundred Sikhs, a party of invalid British artillerymen and a small number of volunteer civilians until reinforcements arrived.
The following is an extract from the London Times of that time
Lieutenant Brasyer commanded the Seikhs at Allahabad. It was to him that the Europeans were indebted for preventing the rebels from taking the fort.
This was the first important British success in the Mutiny and it was a stroke which has never been properly appreciated. Allahabad was the key to the north-west and, once secured, it formed an advanced base of operations. But for Brasyer's initiative and intrepidity, the war against the mutineers would have taken a very different course.
The importance of Lieutenant Brasyer's success is borne out by this extract from a report by Lord Canning, the Governor-General, to the Government
I shall not be surprised if that strong fortress Allahabad, with all its valuable stores and war munitions, has fallen into the hands of the insurgents. That would indeed be a climax to our misfortunes, more serious than the seizure of Delhi.
After the 6th of June the fort was subjected to a desultory siege, for the place was surrounded by a large force of rebels, who remained in possession of the bazaar and city. The rebels were well armed and had two guns. Brasyer wrote as follows about his Sikhs at this time
All this time my faithful Seikhs, on whom so much depended, were craving to be led against the enemy outside, or anywhere, rather than be kept idle within the Fortress, so I found it necessary to temporise with them a little. `Now, as we are all on special duty, doing hard work, and in hot weather,' said I, `let us discard the cap and heavy clothing. Adopt your national dress, and show how Seikhs can fight, and save this Fort and all within it.
The Ferozepore Sikhs therefore from this time on discarded their caps and heavy coats and wore red turbans and Sikh blouses throughout the Mutiny. This pleased the men immensely, especially as Brasyer himself adopted the dress.
A few days later Colonel James Neill arrived with a British battalion, the 1st Madras Fusiliers, and took over command at Allahabad. By this time the whole countryside had broken out into revolt, so from the 12th of June Colonel Neill carried out a series of vigorous sorties against the rebels. The Ferozepore Regiment, now known as Brasyer's Sikhs; played a prominent part in these operations and won further distinctions. These sorties met with considerable success and the district was soon in a state of submission. On the 17th of June the rebels were defeated and driven out of the city and the British administration was reestablished.
Before the end of the month Lieutenant Montague arrived from Mirzapore with the remainder of the Regiment and joined Brasyer, who had been promoted to captain for his gallantry at the beginning of the month.
The situation at Cawnpore was now serious and it was essential to send a force to relieve the British garrison as soon as possible. Transport was immediately collected and an advance column, consisting of Madras Fusiliers and Ferozepore Sikhs, set out for Cawnpore; on the 30th of June.
On the same day General Havelock arrived in Allahabad with the 64th and 84th Foot and the 78th Highlanders, and he set off for Cawnpore a few days later, taking with him his British troops and a detachment of the Ferozepore Sikhs. By this time Cawnpore had been captured by the rebels, so General Havelock decided to drive them out and then march to the relief of Lucknow, where the British were besieged in the Residency.
A portion of the Ferozepore Sikhs were left behind in Allahabad, under Lieutenant Montague, to hold the fort and patrol the surrounding district. Here the Sikhs did excellent work and fought several successful engagements with parties of mutineers in the area. On one occasion a guard of two non-commissioned officers and eight sepoys, surrounded by about a thousand rebels at Sahunga, gallantly rescued a wounded British officer and fought their way back through the rebels to the main guard.
CAWNPORE
General Havelock joined forces with the advanced column on the 12th of July and moved on towards Cawnpore in very trying conditions in the hot weather. On the following day, just as the combined force was preparing to camp
near the village of Fathepur, a large party of mutineers advanced from the village to attack the British force. Although his men were exhausted after a long march under a scorching sun, Havelock decided to attack. He immediately deployed his troops and utterly routed the enemy in a short, sharp fight. After a much-needed rest on the next day, the force continued the march early on the 15th of July. However, it was found that the enemy had re-formed and was holding the village of Aong in strength. General Havelock immediately attacked the enemy positions and threw back the mutineers at the point of the bayonet. It was now learnt that the enemy was preparing to blow the important bridge over the Pandu river, six miles farther on, so Havelock had to push on without resting in order to save the bridge and secure a passage over the river. Brasyer's Sikhs moved forward in skirmishing order and occupied the cliffs overlooking the bridge. This enabled the guns to come forward and cover the Madras Fusiliers, who stormed the bridge and put the enemy to flight.
The same evening General Havelock learnt that a number of women and children had been made prisoner at Cawnpore and had to be rescued at all costs. He therefore decided to continue the advance without delay, even though his men had had no rest and the column was still twenty-two miles from Cawnpore On the 16th of July the force advanced to within a few miles of the town before meeting any resistance. Here some ten thousand rebels opposed the British advance on the town. General Havelock personally led his now-small force of nine hundred men round the enemy's left flank and took the enemy by surprise from the rear. The 78th Highlanders were in the lead and rolled up the enemy's left flank with a brilliant charge. The 64th and 84th Foot and Brasyer's Sikhs then passed through and carried the enemy's position. They captured the guns on the right and the enemy retreated. Leaving the guns behind, protected by Brasyer's Sikhs, the British infantry regiments followed up their success and inflicted further losses on the enemy, who eventually lost heart and fled in disorder.
General Havelock and his men camped for the night in the open and entered Cawnpore early on the 17th of July, but they were too late to stop the brutal murder of the women and children by the mutineers.
Forest, in his History of the Indian Mutiny, wrote as follows about
Havelock's advance from Allahabad
In nine days Havelock and his veterans had marched 126 miles under an Indian sun in the hottest season of the year, each man carrying a heavy weight of ammunition, and had won four pitched battles and sundry combats against highly disciplined troops far exceeding them in number. During four days' fighting they had killed or wounded many hundreds of their enemies, and had captured twenty-three pieces of artillery. Their advance had been one of suffering, of privation, and of fatigue. . . . Battle after battle was won by desperate fighting; the cholera and the sunstroke slew many survivors of the combat, but on they went with unflinching resolution until Cawnpore was reached.
After a few days' rest Havelock, leaving General Neill with a small force to hold Cawnpore, crossed the River Ganges by boat and set out to march to the relief of Lucknow, forty-five miles away. His force, which was only fifteen hundred strong and included Brasyer's Sikhs, moved out on the 29th of July and almost immediately encountered a large force of the enemy opposing their advance. Havelock drove the enemy out of the villages of Unao and Basiratganj and utterly defeated them in two brilliant battles. However, Havelock's force was seriously depleted by sickness and battle casualties and he had to withdraw to Mangalwar; a few miles north of the river, and await reinforcements. It was quite obvious that the remnants of his force had little chance of forcing the way to Lucknow and carrying out the relief of the besieged garrison in the Residency. Forrest wrote in his History
Two victories had been won. But if the road to Lucknow was to be so roughly contested there was little chance of reaching the Residency. What soldiers could do Havelock's men had achieved. But they could not fight the pestilence of the tropics. For some days cholera and dysentery had done deadly work among them. A sixth of his force had perished-half on the battlefield, half by disease.
A few days later Havelock received a small number of reinforcements and a few guns, so he moved forward again on the 5th of August. He encountered the enemy in Basiratganj and utterly routed the rebels for a second time, but again was forced to withdraw to Mangalwar. He was still not strong enough to fight his way to Lucknow, which was reported to be held by thirty thousand mutineers.
On the 11th of August Cawnpore was threatened by four thousand mutineers, who had arrived in Bithur from Saugor, and General Neill called for aid, while, at the same time, the enemy was also reported to be collecting again in Basiratganj. Havelock was determined to strike another blow before recrossing the river to Cawnpore, and he set out with his force the same evening. He once again defeated the enemy in a fierce battle a few miles north of Basiratganj during the next morning, and then withdrew for a third time and crossed the river to Cawnpore.
On the 16th of August Havelock led his much-depleted force against the mutineers in Bithur. After a long march of eight hours the weary force gained contact with the enemy, who were holding one of the strongest positions that Havelock had ever seen, around the village. Havelock decided not to wait, and his men assaulted the position with great gallantry. After some hard hand-tohand fighting the position was carried and the enemy utterly routed. Brasyer's Sikhs were on the left flank and threw back a large force of the enemy, entrenched in the bank of a nullah, at the point of the bayonet and captured his guns.
After the battle Havelock returned to Cawnpore and issued his famous order of the day in which he said
Soldiers, your labours, your privations, your sufferings and your valour will not be forgotten by a grateful country.
This quotation is inscribed on his statue in Trafalgar Square, and on the reverse The Regiment of Brasyer's Sikhs is included amongst the units listed as the Defenders of Lucknow. The 14th Sikhs are the only unit of the Indian Army mentioned on a monument in England.
Owing to casualties and the serious sickness from cholera and other diseases amongst his British troops, Havelock had to remain in Cawnpore for nearly a month awaiting reinforcements. There was very little fighting and the Ferozepore Regiment was detailed to escort a convoy of sick and wounded to Allahabad. The Sikhs escorted the wounded safely back, in spite of encountering a number of rebels during the journey, and then returned to Cawnpore.
In the middle of September Sir James Outram arrived in Cawnpore with a large force of reinforcements and bridging operations over the Ganges were begun. The mutineers attacked the bridge from the northern bank and Brasyer's Sikhs were sent over to cover the construction. The Sikhs drove the enemy back and the bridge was completed without further interference.
On the 21st of September two brigades, about three thousand strong all told, set out for Lucknow under General Havelock, accompanied by Sir James Outram.
The enemy opposed the advance at Mangalwar and at Alambagh, in the southern outskirts of Lucknow, and were utterly defeated by the British in two gallant battles. Havelock and Outram halted at Alambagh on the 24th of September while they decided the best means of extricating the British forces in the Residency.
RELIEF AND DEFENCE OF LUCKNOW
The sick and wounded, heavy baggage and large supply train were left at Alambagh, protected by a guard of three hundred men drawn from all units, in the force.
On the 25th of September the advance from Alambagh began. General Neill's Brigade was in the lead and the 78th Highlanders and Ferozepore Regiment were detailed as rearguard and ordered to hold the bridge at Charbagh until everything had passed. The Madras Fusiliers, with the 84th Foot, forced the bridge and Havelock then led his force round east of the city. This move evidently surprised the rebels, for he met no serious opposition until he arrived a short distance from the Residency. Meanwhile, the Highlanders and Sikhs were heavily engaged at Charbagh, where they were attacked by a large force of rebels. After three hours' fighting they defeated the enemy and were able to push on. However, they had lost touch with the main British column and took the wrong road. This mistake proved most fortunate, for they suddenly encountered the rear of some guns which were holding up Havelock's advance and rushed them without ceremony. The 78th Highlanders and Ferozepore Regiment were now in front. The Residency was only some five hundred yards away, but since it was now dusk and the column was strung out over a considerable distance General Outram suggested halting. General Havelock, however, was determined to reach the Residency without delay and ordered the 78th High-landers and Brasyer's Sikhs to advance. This column, led by Sir James Outram and General Havelock, dashed forward through the narrow streets of flat-roofed, loopholed houses held by the mutineers. The Highlanders and Sikhs fought their way forward with desperate gallantry under continuous fire from the enemy and eventually reached the Bailey Guard Gate of the Residency to the deafening cheers of the gallant garrison. In describing the assault Brasyer wrote
Onward went the devoted band into a fire that seemed, as General Havelock said, as if nothing could live under it. The Highlanders, being Europeans, were placed in front, but the Seikhs followed them closely, pressed eagerly forward, and loudly cheered. Eventually it became a pell mell race for who should be first. Here Neill fell. Continuing this rushing, the troops were all intermixed, jumping over cuttings, and other obstacles in the street, until they finally reached the gateway of the Residency. But this was not only shut, but barricaded. A scramble ensued, the enemy firing from the roofs and windows of houses at us in every direction. At this moment I caught sight of a gap at the side of the gate, forced my way through this, and in reality was the first European of the relieving force who entered the beleaguered Lucknow Residency.
During the day's desperate fighting many acts of gallantry were performed and the Regiment suffered a very large proportion of casualties. One noteworthy feat of gallantry was that of Sepoy Nihal Singh, of the Ferozepore Sikhs, who carried General Neill, when he was mortally wounded in the final charge, to the rear under heavy fire.
The rearguard, with a number of sick and wounded, had not been able to reach the Residency and had remained in the Moti Mahal. So, on the next day, a detachment of the 5th Fusiliers and Brasyer's Sikhs was sent to reinforce them and help them to withdraw to the Residency. Although the Sikhs and Fusiliers fought their way through and drove the enemy back from the buildings and gardens adjacent to the Mod Mahal, the enemy fire from the Kaiserbagh was found to be too heavy to admit of the rearguard convoy being moved back. Further reinforcements from the 78th Highlanders were then sent forward and the rearguard was safely withdrawn to the Residency after dark.
After arriving in the Residency area Sir James Outram took over, from General Havelock, the command of the British forces. Although the rebels had been outwitted, they had not been decisively defeated and still occupied the city in great strength. It was found to be quite impracticable to carry out the original intention of withdrawing the besieged people in the Residency and all the relieving force could do was to aid its defences. Although this was not really a relief of the Residency, it was a very gallant rescue from a situation of the gravest peril. There were now 2,000 additional troops, so there was no longer an imminent danger of the garrison being overwhelmed. However, the Residency was besieged as closely as ever, and Sir James Outram had to stand on the defensive and await relief in his turn.
With the increased number of troops in the Residency positions had to be enlarged and so for the next few days several sorties were made to improve the position. The Regiment of Ferozepore was in General Havelock's sector and took part in the sorties along the eastern face of the Residency to clear the enemy from the gardens and houses up to the Chata Manzil. These sorties were entirely successful and improved the defences of the Residency. Lieutenant Cross, of the Ferozepore Sikhs, was wounded in one of these sorties, but otherwise the Regiment suffered very few casualties.
On account of the Sikhs' good service, General Havelock promoted each man to a grade higher in rank, and all subadars were granted the 1st Class Indian Order of Merit.
For the next two months Brasyer's Sikhs were put in charge of the Bailey guard, one of the most important positions in the Residency, and they also held the defences on the right of General Havelock's sector bordering the Pyne Bagh. Outram's force was given no rest by the enemy and it had always to be on the alert. Duties were constant and arduous, while rations were scanty throughout the siege. On one occasion, when the enemy blew a breach in the defences, a detachment of the Ferozepore Sikhs checked a large force of the enemy who stormed the breach, and gave the garrison time to form and repulse the enemy. Jemadar Gowahir Shah was in command of the guard and was awarded the Indian Order of Merit for his gallant conduct.
At last, on the 17th of November, a relieving force under General Sir Colin Campbell, Commander-in-Chief in India, arrived at Lucknow. The situation at Cawnpore, however, had again become: critical and General Campbell had to return there as quickly as possible. He therefore decided to evacuate the Residency and return to deal with the rebels at Lucknow at a later date. On the night of the 22nd November all the British forces were withdrawn successfully from the Residency together with all the women, children and wounded. The enemy were taken completely by surprise by this operation, which had been carefully planned and boldly executed.
General Outram was left with a force of some four thousand men to hold Alambagh and contain the enemy at Lucknow. The Ferozepore Regiment was included in General Outram's force and held defensive works at Alambagh for three months. Duties were very arduous on account of the large perimeter to be held. while the enemy kept in constant touch and there were almost daily skirmishes and minor encounters. The enemy delivered a number of attacks, but these were all beaten off with losses to the rebels.
On the 22nd of December General Outram took the offensive and threw back a large enemy force which had attempted to sever his communications to Cawnpore. Reporting on this action, Outram wrote
The gallant way in which, with a, cheer, the 78th and the Regiment of Ferozepore, led by their commanders, dashed at a strong position held by the enemy (30,000 men and 6 heavy guns), excited much admiration.
On another occasion a most determined attack was made by the enemy on the defences held by the Ferozepore Regiment. Before dashing off to counter-attack the enemy Captain Brasyer sent the following message, scribbled on an envelope, to General Outram : General, the enemy is in force on our right picket; I am off. This action was completely successful and five thousand of the enemy were driven off. Later General Outram told Brasyer that his scribbled report satisfied him more than all the documents tied with red tape he had ever received. Forrest, in his book, wrote
Full justice was not done by Sir Colin Campbell or the Chief-of-Staff to Outram's defence of Alambagh, which must be viewed as a fine example of courage and good conduct, and will always stand out as a glorious episode in the annals of the Indian Mutiny.
CAPTURE OF LUCKNOW
At the beginning of March, 1858, Sir Colin Campbell, with a large, well equipped force, joined General Outram at Alambagh and started methodical operations against the rebels at Lucknow,, The enemy were holding three lines of defences north of the city covering the Kaiserbagh, their citadel. These had been strengthened since the relief of the Residency, and houses were now fortified and roads barricaded.
Sir Colin's plan was to send General Outram with his division north of the River Gumti to turn the rebels' position, while his main force attacked the Kaiserbagh from Dilkusha Park.
For a few days the Ferozepore Regiment, now only three hundred and twenty strong, protected the Commander-in-Chief's camp, but it was soon in action against the enemy and took part in the operations to force back the rebels from their first line of defences along the canal. By the 13th of March the British had reached the Little Emambarra, which was held in strength and had to be captured. On the 14th of March one hundred men of the Ferozepore Regiment, under Captain da Costa, with two companies of the 10th Foot, assaulted breaches in the walls of the Little Emambarra, while Captain Brasyer and a hundred more Sikhs assaulted some houses to a flank. Since he had no other British combatant officer available, Captain Brasyer placed the Colours with an escort in charge of the medical officer, Surgeon J. Browne, and ordered him to keep close to him. These orders were faithfully carried out.
Brasyer's party captured and set fire to the houses on the flank and then, climbing 'up on to some flat roofs, set out towards the Little Emambarra itself. It arrived just as the assault was launched. This diversion enabled the storming troops to advance with unexpected ease. They soon captured the Emambarra, and the Colours of the Ferozepore Regiment were planted over the gateway. The day's objective had been captured, but the Sikhs were eager to follow up their success and Captain Brasyer described the next phase of the battle as follows
The men were excited and eager to go on. Without orders, my Seikhs like monkeys climbed a wall and opened a large gate which gave outlet from the smaller Emambarra, while I, with other officers, joined them. A rush such as nothing could stop followed. The General (Franks) smiled as he cheered my men, but issued no order. This acquiescence was enough, I knew what he wanted. My Seikhs like greyhounds let loose, passed into the street, deafening cheers encouraged us, while the General and his staff followed in support. We rushed onwards, cleared 40 guns in battery en route, driving all before us. Pickaxe and shovel were next at work, and soon a breach was opened in an outer wall.
The Sikhs and the 90th Light Infantry, led by Captains Brasyer and Havelock(Son of General Havelock.), rushed forward and fought their way into an enclosure adjoining the Kaiserbagh under terrible fire. Havelock ran back for reinforcements, and a party of the 10th Foot advanced and captured a small bazaar in rear of the Tara Kothi and mess-house, which were held by some six thousand rebels. This bold move completely surprised the enemy, who made as though they would rush Brasyer's party and force their way out into the city. However, Havelock, seeing the danger, dashed forward with a party of Sikhs and captured two bastions in the last line of defences, turned the guns on to the rebels and drove them towards the Chatar Manzil. Reinforcements followed up quickly and before long the whole of Kaiserbagh was in British hands. Meanwhile, Brasyer had dashed into the centre of the palace, climbed on the top and pushed the Queen's Colour through a gunshot hole in the highest dome, as a signal that the citadel had been captured. The Ferozepore Regiment suffered heavy casualties in this battle and Captain da Costa was among those killed.
General Franks, in his report of that day, wrote
No words of mine could give due credit to Major Brasyer's courageous conduct. Ever to the front, he was to be seen courageously leading his men wherever the enemy were to be found.
On the 16th of March Brasyer's Sikhs formed part of General Outram's force which captured the Residency and the iron bridge. Major Brasyer was seriously wounded in these operations, but refused to relinquish command of his Sikhs and had to be carried on a litter at the head of the Battalion for several days.
The rebels had been completely defeated in these battles and Lucknow was once again safely in British hands.
After the capture of Lucknow the Ferozepore Regiment joined the Oudh Field Force and took part in a number of minor encounters in rounding up parties of rebels and pacifying the countryside. During this period Lieutenant Montague, with the Allahabad detachment, arrived back in the Battalion.
Operations came to an end in June, 1859, and the Regiment marched to Ferozepore, its home station. Brasyer wrote
The remnant of the gallant four hundred marched into Ferozepore on the 7th September, with drums and fifes playing, and colours all tattered and torn, after an arduous campaign of two years and four months, and thirteen years of faithful service under the British Government.
For its service in the Indian Mutiny the Regiment was allowed to bear on its Colours the inscription Lucknow, Defence and Capture, while as a special mark of distinction for its outstanding conduct the Governor-General issued orders that the men of the Regiment of Ferozepore were permitted to wear red safas (turbans), like those in which they had fought, instead of native infantry caps-a privilege of which the Regiment still avails itself on ceremonial parades.
The staff of one of the Colours was broken by a bullet at the relief of Lucknow and was mended with a plain brass ring. This staff still carries the Regimental Colour today, although the actual Colour has been renewed on two occasions since that time.
Only five British officers served with the Ferozepore Regiment during the Mutiny: of these one was killed and three wounded. Brasyer commanded the Regiment throughout the Mutiny, starting as a lieutenant and ending up as a lieutenant-colonel.
Sikhs in Singapore 1850
Who was Singapore's first Sikh? The answer is not readily forthcoming. No records exist which clearly state who was the first Sikh to land here. But many of the older Sikhs still alive in Singapore recall tales of one Maharaj Singh, a political prisoner exiled to Singapore by the British after the Second Sikh War in 1849.
A Sikh of noble birth, he refused to concede defeat to the British and formed a guerilla band with his followers. Unfortunately for him, he was caught and imprisoned before he could really organise himself. But his popularity among the Sikhs, even after he was jailed, was such that the British decided it was in their own interests to exile him.
He was sent to Singapore with a manservant, arriving here sometime in the 1850's. He was housed in the old Outram Road Jail and by all accounts was a religious person, spending long periods of time in prayer and meditation. Tales passed down by word of mouth speak of him possessing spiritual powers and of working miracles. There is no record of when he died, but it is known that after his death, he was cremated outside Outram Road Jail. Sikhs of that period, believing he was a saint, built a tomb on the spot where he was cremated.
When the authorities wanted to expand the prison, his tomb was broken up and rebuilt on a spot about a mile away. In later years, the Singapore General Hospital (SGH) was built near the site of the tomb. It was not disturbed and remained in what became the hospital grounds. In 1965, the government asked the Sikhs to remove the tomb as they wished to expand the hospital. So once again, the tomb was broken up. This time after some prayers, five stones all that remained of the old tomb, were removed and placed in a new resting place in the forecourt of the Silat Road Temple nearby.
Some people call this temple as Gurdwara Baba Karam Singh. Why Baba Karam Singh and not Maharaj Singh? There is some controversy over who the tomb at Outram Road and subsequently SGH grounds really belonged to. The only point of consensus is that it belonged to a saintly person. There are those who believe it is Maharaj Singh's. Then again there are those who say it was that of Baba Karam Singh, who was said to possess some spiritual powers too. What is certain is that those who maintained the tomb and later made it into a shrine of sorts, believed it was Baba Karam Singh and the name has come to stay. There may have been other political prisoners exiled to Singapore too, but nothing is known of them.
The first wave of Sikhs to land in Singapore came in the form of sepoys (policemen) recruited in India to help keep the peace and put down the Chinese gang wars. In 1873, Captain Speedy recruited 110 Sikhs from the Patiala, Ludhiana and Ferozepur districts of Punjab for service in Perak (in Malaysia). This band was known as the Perak Armed Police. The success of these early recruits prompted the British to recruit more Sikhs and by 1888, under one Captain Walker, the group had grown and came to be known as the 1st Perak Sikhs. By 1896, the force numbered 900 and was renamed the Malay States Guides with Walker as their first Colonel.
Meanwhile, the success of the Sikhs as policemen or sepoys in Malaya led the British to bring some down to Singapore. The first batch also from Patiala, Ludhiana and Ferozepur was brought to Singapore in the late 1870s and formed the first Sikh Police Contingent stationed at Sepoy Lines later known as Pearl's Hill overlooking Chinatown. Sikh policemen were also recruited by the Tanjong Pagar Dock Company to form the Tanjong Pagar Dock Police Force.
While the first wave of Sikhs came mainly as policemen, by 1885 more Sikhs from other districts in Punjab namely, Grurdaspur, Amritsar, Jullundhar and Lahore were making their own way down to Singapore to seek their fortunes. Most of these Sikhs could not enter the Police Force as the earlier recruits restricted subsequent entry to their relatives or fellow district folks. As such, these later migrants became watchmen, additional police constables, small time businessmen or went into dairy farming. The story of one Hari Singh Choney from Gurdaspur district is typical of these early migrants. Hari Singh came to Singapore in 1885. He travelled like many others on deck, cooking his own meals. He landed in Singapore at Tanjong Pagar and was helped by some Sikh policemen on duty who gave him temporary accommodation. One Sunder Singh, a police constable, helped him find a job patrolling the grounds of the Botanic Gardens. Like many of the Sikhs in Singapore then, Hari Singh led a very frugal life, repatriating most of his savings and helping to bring out other relatives. A couple of years after his arrival, Hari Singh brought out his younger brother Jaimall Singh and found him a job as an Additional Police Constable. The job of these APCs in those days was to guard the Government run opium shops which were then legal in Singapore.
Many of these early Sikhs came as bachelors. They later returned to India with some money, married and brought their families back. Hari Singh was no different, except in his case he had to return rather suddenly as his elder brother Bhagat Singh died suddenly leaving behind a young son. Hari Singh got married in India and adopted Bhagat Singh's son, Achar Singh.
Hari Singh returned to Singapore after 1900 and got a job as a watchman with Lim Hoe Chiang of Tanjong Pagar. He was given a place to stay at the factory, at the junction of Wallich Street and Peck Seah Street. Next to the factory was an open piece of ground where Hari Singh decided to build a wooden shed and keep some dairy cows. He started with three cows and began what was eventually to become a full-time business. His adopted son, Achar Singh, started schooling but it was some time before the family grew. In 1920, the first of Hari Singh's four sons was born. Then came the twins Bassan Singh and Wassawa Singh followed by the youngest, Inder Singh. The boys had plenty of Sikh friends as by then a lot of other Sikhs had migrated to Singapore. One Sewa Singh Sedukay, whose village is close to Hari Singh's in India settled in Wallich Street and built a wooden shed next to Hari Singh's and started his own cattle business. Sewa Singh Sedukay's eldest son, Dewan Singh Randhawa till the 1980s ran the only Punjabi Weekly newspaper in Singapore.
Like all other Sikh migrants, Hari Singh put a lot of emphasis on education. He made sure his children acquired both English and Punjabi education. Achar Singh joined the Government Printing Office in Johor Bahru as a proof reader. Sewa Singh joined the Medical Department as did Bassan Singh. Inder Singh later migrated to England and became a coal miner. Wasswa Singh died in his teens. After spending virtually his whole adult life in Singapore, Hari Singh like his contemporaries, did not wish to end his days in Singapore. He returned to India in 1952 and died there soon after. His descendants now fourth generation Sikhs in Singapore, are comfortably settled middle class Singaporeans, who while they still maintain links with their village in Punjab, have no intentions to return there.
The early Sikhs were either watchmen, policemen or dairy farmers. The traders or businessmen in the community came much later after the Second World War and established themselves in High Street, dealing in mainly textiles. As stated earlier, the early Sikhs placed much emphasis in education and not surprisingly, their children either became civil servants or professionals through hard work and study.
Sikh Temples in Singapore
Religion is an integral part of the daily life of a Sikh. When the first batch of Sikhs was brought to Singapore by the East India Company as policemen, a temple was built for them at Pearl's Hill Barracks. Similarly, the Tanjong Pagar Dock Company built a temple for the Police in Anson Road. In 1920, a Sindhi merchant donated his house in Queen Street for a temple and the Sikhs named it Wada Gurdwara, meaning The Big Temple. The management committee consisted of elected representatives of the Majha, Malwa and Doaba Sikhs. The three temples representing these areas - Sri Guru Singh Sabha, Khalsa Dharmak Sabha and Pardesi Khalsa Dharmak Dewa - sent three members each for the management committee and one member each for the Langar (Food) Committee.
In 1925, the Majha Sikhs opened a temple in a double storey house in Queen Street near the junction of Bras Basah Road. Two years later, there was a misunderstanding over the priest, Giani Partap Singh, because he paid a dowry to get married. Santa Singh Sedukay and Ganesa Singh Malli opened another temple in Cecil Street with Giani Partap Singh as priest. So during this short period, there were two Singh Sabhas in Singapore. Two years later, both factions settled their differences and all the Mahja Sikhs moved back to the Queen Street premises. In 1931, the Sabha moved to its new temple at 90 Wilkie Road. In 1980, the Sabha moved to a new building at 92 Wilkie Road adjacent to the one built in 1931. The old building was converted into a Janjh Ghar and for accomodation. There are plans for a museum as well.
The Malwa Sikhs started a temple in Chandy Road behind the present Cathay Building about the same time as the Majha Sikhs started the Sri Guru Singh Sabha. From Chandy Road, the Khalsa Dharmak Sabha moved to its present building at 18 Niven Road.
The Doaba Sikhs had their temple at Kirk Terrace. The government acquired their land for urban development and they have since moved to Lorong 19 Geyland.
There used to be another Sikh Temple in a double storey building in Kerbau Road. This had been in existence since before the Second World War.
There were also other Sikh Temples built for the convenience of Sikhs living in nearby. One such temple was the Jalan Kayu Gurdwara. There was also one in the Naval Base for Sikhs working in the base. Another was in Sembawang Road for those living and working outside the base area. Today, a new temple exists in Yishun called Yishun Gurdwara. This is the result of the merger of the Jalan Kayu and Sembawang Gurdwaras, following the residential developments in the north of Singapore. When the British Government decided to improve and extend the Harbour Board area, it was necessary to demolish the Dock Police Barracks where the temple was situated. It offered the Sikh Contingent land in Silat Road for the temple and also gave monetary aid. Two policemen from the Sikh Contingent were nominated to collect funds for the building of this temple. One of them was Wasawa Singh, father of Bakshis Singh, a retired school principal. Funds were collected from the Sikh communities in Singapore, Malaya and Christmas Island and the Silat Road Sikh Temple became a reality. The management of the temple was left to the Sikh policemen under the chairmanship of an officer of the Sikh Contingent. After the Second World War, the Sikh Contingent was disbanded and the Silat Road Temple was handed over to the Central Sikh Temple Committee. The temple is today a part of the Central Sikh Temple.
When India and Pakistan attained independence, many Sikh businessmen who were uprooted from their homes came to Singapore and gradually this number grew. In the beginning, these Sikhs used to pray at the Central Sikh Temple in Queen Street. Later, they started a mobile temple holding prayers in the homes of their members by rotation. They soon decided to have their own temple and in time bought a building in Wilkinson Road which they have turned into a beautiful temple. Membership is limited to these original founders. Associate membership is open to all but these members have no say in the running of the temple.
The new Central Sikh Temple building was completed in 1986 and was built at a cost of $6 million. It has an air-conditioned prayer hall and is sound proofed. There is an underground car park, modern kitchen facilities, accommodation for the priests, rooms for meetings, and a library.
The Early Sikh Priests and Ragis
The first priests were from among the Sikh policemen or sepoys. Two of these were Bhai Wasawa Singh and Bhai Amar Singh. Among the early priests in Singapore were Bhai Narain Singh Chambal, Bhai Gurdit Singh, nicknamed Bhai Pawa as he was very short, Bhai Partap Singh Nangal, Bhai Inder Singh and Bhai Ganda Singh.
In the 1940s we had Bhai Assa Singh Bandal, Bhai Arjan Singh, Giani Gurcharan Singh, Giani Mohinder Singh Chakarwarti, Giani Kartar Singh Khandawalla and Bhai Hazara Singh. These learned priests lived the life they preached and were held in high esteem by the community. During their free time, they gave free Gurmukhi lessons to the children. A few of them could also do Kirtan with tabla and harmonium accompaniment.
Another well-known name was Sant Sohan Singh of Malacca. He was born in India in 1902 and came to Malaya in 1926. He stayed in the Seremban Sikh Temple for a short time and in 1926 was appointed priest at the Malacca Sikh Temple. He was an excellent Akhand Pathi and soon everyone began calling him Giani Sohan Singh. His association with three very learned priests, Giani Gurbax Singh Pandit, Sand Gulab Singh and Giani Chanan Singh Gurne, made him realise that he lacked a great deal of knowledge as far as the scriptures were concerned. So in 1932, he went on leave to India and joined the Gurmat College at Damdama Sahib and there he studied under Kartar Singh Dakha, a very famous Sikh scholar. He obtained a degree in Giani and was also conferred the title of Kawi Kawya Maha Giani (learned poet great intellectual) for his poetry.
On his return in 1934, he took up his old job as priest of Malacca Sikh Temple. He helped all those who came to him and never turned anyone away. During the Japanese Occupation, he started dressing up with a chaddar (white piece of cloth) and soon everyone began addressing him as Sant Sohan Singh. He held Granthi Samelans (Conference of Priests) for all the Sikh priests in Malaya and Singapore at which topics of common interests were discussed. After his death, no more such conferences took place. In 1921, the Khalsa Dewan Malaya employed Bhai Pall Singh, Bhai Badan Singh and Bahadur Singh Ragi Jetha (Musicians) to do parchaar (preach religion) in Malaya. Singapore Sikhs were able to listen to them occasionally when they were invited to Singapore. Bhai Pall Singh and Bhai Badan Singh were both students of the famous Bhai Jowalla Singh of Baba Bakala. It was a pleasure to listen to their classical melodies. The accompaniment on the drums by Bahadur Singh was a joy to listen to. Bhai Pall's Singh's children grew up and joined their father's group. Sohan Singh Josh, the eldest son was an accomplished Tabla (drums) player. Bhai Badan Singh lived to a ripe old age. He is remembered by many of his students throughout the country.
The late Mr. Bhag Singh, a school principal, took up music in the 1930s in Kuala Lumpur and later moved to Singapore. He studied under Ustad Jeevan Khan from 1937 to 1939. Ustad Ji belonged to the Patiala Gharana of music. Bhag Singh's first student was Ram Singh Gulzar. The author, Seva Singh, joined Bhag Singh's group during the Japanese Occupation and initially studied under him. Later Seva Singh increased his knowledge from various other sources in India and Pakistan. Mr Bhag Singh's group was the first local born Sikh youth musical group in Singapore and was comparable to many established groups in India.
In the 1920s and early 1930s, there was a group of Shabad (hymns) singers from the village of Mallian. They were five in number, all brothers and cousins and all were more than six feet tall. They wore malmal (very thin type of cotton cloth) kameez or shirts like those worn by Pahelwans (wrestlers), and gold necklaces. They sand mostly Halle dey Shabads, (sung like Kawalis with a fast beat). The youngsters found the fast beat with Dholak (drums), Shaney (small cymbals), Chimta and Khartale (other Indian musical instruments) very captivating.
It was only in the 1930s that Sikhs in Singapore had the opportunity to listen to other types of professional singers from India when Janki Bai and Kalka Bai of Calcutta spent a month in Singapore and gave performances every evening in Serangoon Road. There were also concerts given by professionals. Among the well known and talented musicians and singers were Dr. Chotta Singh, Master Sawan, Ustad Noor Md. Khan, Veer Chand and Master Mohammed.
There were also many talented Tabla (drum) players including Sardar Khan, Ustad Mohammed and Krishan Deo Tiwari. A student of Gwalior, Krishan Deo was also a brilliant exponent of the Mirdhang. He gave a number of solo performances at the Victoria Theatre and among the North Indian Community he was usually called Mirdhangi. Very few people knew his actual name.
Today, much of the kirtan done in the temple is either by the priests or by professional Ragis (musicians) who come on tours. As a result, very few Singaporean Sikhs do Kirtan in the temples now. Seva Singh and his family used to be one of the exceptions. His eldest son, Terlochan Singh is a Sitarist of Willayat Khna Gharana and an accomplished classical singer. Satwant Singh and Surinderjeet Singh are accomplished Tabla (drum) players. With them as with most Singapore Sikhs, Kirtan is only a hobby.
Sports and Other Activities
In 1931, a group of young Sikhs got together and formed the Khalsa Association. This group included Tara Singh, Wazir Singh, Choor Singh, Bhag Singh, Sohan Singh (Kadoo) Randhawa, Hardit Singh Karmuwalla, Terlok Singh, Mahambir Singh, Durga Das Singh, Dewan Singh Randhawa and Teja Singh. The first clubhouse was in a padang (field) at the end of St.Georges Road. It was a wooden hut. In those days, the members found it difficult even to pay the salary of the caretaker.
As more and more Sikhs joined the association, things livened up. After the Second World War, the association moved to Jalan Bahagia where a proper clubhouse was built. There was a good field for games and for the yearly fun fair, the Punjabi Mela. Some years later, the government offered a site in Tessensohn Road with compensation for the old building. A building committee was formed with Justice Choor Singh as chairman. The new clubhouse could never have been built without the untiring efforts of the committee which comprised of Jaswant Singh Gill, Sadhu Singh Khaira, Khushal Singh, Sardara Singh, Dewan Singh Randhawa, Mukhtiar Singh Matta and Tharam Singh.
Our boys have always done well in sports, winning the league championship and knockout competition in hockey many times. In cricket, we used to less well. Besides the then Punjabi School housed in the clubhouse, Tae Kwon Do and Karate lessons were also conducted there. The club is still used for weddings and dinner parties.
The Sikh Community has always taken an active part in all the National Day Celebrations by sending a contingent of marchers to the Parade under the banner of the Singapore Khalsa Association. In one of the National Day Float Competitions, we won the Best Cultural Float Prize and we were awarded the Silver Cup. For this winning effort, we have to thank Satwant Singh Bath, Pritam Singh Malli, Dharam Singh Dler, Terlochan Singh and Harbans Singh for their hard work. The Bhangra Dancers in the march past used to be a great hit with the spectators. On one wet day the caption in The Straits Times with a picture of the dancers read : The dance of joy in the streets of Singapore.
The Sikh Missionary Society
In 1940, a group of Sikhs formed an association to propagate the Sikh faith and called it the Sikh Missionary Society of Malaya. The man behind the move was Bhag Singh, a school teacher. The others in the group were Sadhu Singh Khaira, Sohan Singh Panj Garain, Ujagar Singh, Teja Singh Hitashi and Gulzar Singh. The registered office of the Society was at 175 Queen Street. The committee of the Society later managed to get Giani Phuman Singh, a very learned Sikh from India to join it. During the following years, this young group of workers did much to propagate the Sikh religion. Tracts in Tamil, Malay, Chinese and English were distributed free so that the other communities would come to know the Sikhs and their faith better. Giani Phuman Singh travelled all over Malaya and gave lectures in temples.
The Sikh Missionary Society also launched a Scholarship Fund for needy Sikh students to pursue their university education. Monetary help was also given to children for their secondary school studies. The first recipients were Gorboux Singh, who became a school principal, Harbans Singh, who became a lawyer and Nachatar Singh.
The driving force behind the society was Bhag Singh. His untimely death in 1960 was a big loss to the Sikhs in Singapore and Malaya. The committees that tool over the running of the Society could not carry on as before and now the society is just a name in the books of the Registrar of Societies.
The Sikh Partinidh Sabha
In early 1950, at a meeting held at the Queen Street Sikh Temple, the Sikh Partinidh Sabha was formed. Its function was to run the Khalsa English School in Niven Road and the Khalsa Punjab School in Wilkie Road.
The Khalsa English School was very necessary at this time because there was a shortage of schools in Singapore and many of our Sikh children could not find places in government and government aided schools. Classes were from primary to secondary levels. When there were sufficient schools in Singapore to absorb all the children, the Khalsa English School was closed. The Khalsa Punjabi School at the Sri Guru Singh Sabha in Wilkie Road was transferred to the Singapore Khalsa Association and the Sikh Partinidh Sabha was dissolved.
The Sikh Newspapers and the Press
The first Sikh newspaper was started in Malaya in 1936 and was called the Pardesi Khalsa Sewak. In 1965, there was a change of ownership and the name was changes to Malayan Samachar. Dewan Singh Randhawa, who resigned from the Singapore Police Force in 1946, started the first Punjabi paper in Singapore in 1951. He called it the Navjiwan (New Life). It was printed in Gurmukhi script and the paper had to struggle even though it was the only Punjabi paper in Southeast Asia. Advertisments, printing of wedding cards and commercial printing kept the paper going. In the late seventies and early eighties, things brightened up. The paper brought in the latest in off-set printing. It by now had subscribers not only in Singapore, but in Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and Australia.
Two other Sikhs have gone into the printing business and do only commercial printing. They are Kartar Singh, a retired police officer who owns Ford Printers and Gurpal Singh who owns Magh Printers. Incidentally, Gurpal Singh learned the printing business as a teenager at Navjiwan
A Sikh of noble birth, he refused to concede defeat to the British and formed a guerilla band with his followers. Unfortunately for him, he was caught and imprisoned before he could really organise himself. But his popularity among the Sikhs, even after he was jailed, was such that the British decided it was in their own interests to exile him.
He was sent to Singapore with a manservant, arriving here sometime in the 1850's. He was housed in the old Outram Road Jail and by all accounts was a religious person, spending long periods of time in prayer and meditation. Tales passed down by word of mouth speak of him possessing spiritual powers and of working miracles. There is no record of when he died, but it is known that after his death, he was cremated outside Outram Road Jail. Sikhs of that period, believing he was a saint, built a tomb on the spot where he was cremated.
When the authorities wanted to expand the prison, his tomb was broken up and rebuilt on a spot about a mile away. In later years, the Singapore General Hospital (SGH) was built near the site of the tomb. It was not disturbed and remained in what became the hospital grounds. In 1965, the government asked the Sikhs to remove the tomb as they wished to expand the hospital. So once again, the tomb was broken up. This time after some prayers, five stones all that remained of the old tomb, were removed and placed in a new resting place in the forecourt of the Silat Road Temple nearby.
Some people call this temple as Gurdwara Baba Karam Singh. Why Baba Karam Singh and not Maharaj Singh? There is some controversy over who the tomb at Outram Road and subsequently SGH grounds really belonged to. The only point of consensus is that it belonged to a saintly person. There are those who believe it is Maharaj Singh's. Then again there are those who say it was that of Baba Karam Singh, who was said to possess some spiritual powers too. What is certain is that those who maintained the tomb and later made it into a shrine of sorts, believed it was Baba Karam Singh and the name has come to stay. There may have been other political prisoners exiled to Singapore too, but nothing is known of them.
The first wave of Sikhs to land in Singapore came in the form of sepoys (policemen) recruited in India to help keep the peace and put down the Chinese gang wars. In 1873, Captain Speedy recruited 110 Sikhs from the Patiala, Ludhiana and Ferozepur districts of Punjab for service in Perak (in Malaysia). This band was known as the Perak Armed Police. The success of these early recruits prompted the British to recruit more Sikhs and by 1888, under one Captain Walker, the group had grown and came to be known as the 1st Perak Sikhs. By 1896, the force numbered 900 and was renamed the Malay States Guides with Walker as their first Colonel.
Meanwhile, the success of the Sikhs as policemen or sepoys in Malaya led the British to bring some down to Singapore. The first batch also from Patiala, Ludhiana and Ferozepur was brought to Singapore in the late 1870s and formed the first Sikh Police Contingent stationed at Sepoy Lines later known as Pearl's Hill overlooking Chinatown. Sikh policemen were also recruited by the Tanjong Pagar Dock Company to form the Tanjong Pagar Dock Police Force.
While the first wave of Sikhs came mainly as policemen, by 1885 more Sikhs from other districts in Punjab namely, Grurdaspur, Amritsar, Jullundhar and Lahore were making their own way down to Singapore to seek their fortunes. Most of these Sikhs could not enter the Police Force as the earlier recruits restricted subsequent entry to their relatives or fellow district folks. As such, these later migrants became watchmen, additional police constables, small time businessmen or went into dairy farming. The story of one Hari Singh Choney from Gurdaspur district is typical of these early migrants. Hari Singh came to Singapore in 1885. He travelled like many others on deck, cooking his own meals. He landed in Singapore at Tanjong Pagar and was helped by some Sikh policemen on duty who gave him temporary accommodation. One Sunder Singh, a police constable, helped him find a job patrolling the grounds of the Botanic Gardens. Like many of the Sikhs in Singapore then, Hari Singh led a very frugal life, repatriating most of his savings and helping to bring out other relatives. A couple of years after his arrival, Hari Singh brought out his younger brother Jaimall Singh and found him a job as an Additional Police Constable. The job of these APCs in those days was to guard the Government run opium shops which were then legal in Singapore.
Many of these early Sikhs came as bachelors. They later returned to India with some money, married and brought their families back. Hari Singh was no different, except in his case he had to return rather suddenly as his elder brother Bhagat Singh died suddenly leaving behind a young son. Hari Singh got married in India and adopted Bhagat Singh's son, Achar Singh.
Hari Singh returned to Singapore after 1900 and got a job as a watchman with Lim Hoe Chiang of Tanjong Pagar. He was given a place to stay at the factory, at the junction of Wallich Street and Peck Seah Street. Next to the factory was an open piece of ground where Hari Singh decided to build a wooden shed and keep some dairy cows. He started with three cows and began what was eventually to become a full-time business. His adopted son, Achar Singh, started schooling but it was some time before the family grew. In 1920, the first of Hari Singh's four sons was born. Then came the twins Bassan Singh and Wassawa Singh followed by the youngest, Inder Singh. The boys had plenty of Sikh friends as by then a lot of other Sikhs had migrated to Singapore. One Sewa Singh Sedukay, whose village is close to Hari Singh's in India settled in Wallich Street and built a wooden shed next to Hari Singh's and started his own cattle business. Sewa Singh Sedukay's eldest son, Dewan Singh Randhawa till the 1980s ran the only Punjabi Weekly newspaper in Singapore.
Like all other Sikh migrants, Hari Singh put a lot of emphasis on education. He made sure his children acquired both English and Punjabi education. Achar Singh joined the Government Printing Office in Johor Bahru as a proof reader. Sewa Singh joined the Medical Department as did Bassan Singh. Inder Singh later migrated to England and became a coal miner. Wasswa Singh died in his teens. After spending virtually his whole adult life in Singapore, Hari Singh like his contemporaries, did not wish to end his days in Singapore. He returned to India in 1952 and died there soon after. His descendants now fourth generation Sikhs in Singapore, are comfortably settled middle class Singaporeans, who while they still maintain links with their village in Punjab, have no intentions to return there.
The early Sikhs were either watchmen, policemen or dairy farmers. The traders or businessmen in the community came much later after the Second World War and established themselves in High Street, dealing in mainly textiles. As stated earlier, the early Sikhs placed much emphasis in education and not surprisingly, their children either became civil servants or professionals through hard work and study.
Sikh Temples in Singapore
Religion is an integral part of the daily life of a Sikh. When the first batch of Sikhs was brought to Singapore by the East India Company as policemen, a temple was built for them at Pearl's Hill Barracks. Similarly, the Tanjong Pagar Dock Company built a temple for the Police in Anson Road. In 1920, a Sindhi merchant donated his house in Queen Street for a temple and the Sikhs named it Wada Gurdwara, meaning The Big Temple. The management committee consisted of elected representatives of the Majha, Malwa and Doaba Sikhs. The three temples representing these areas - Sri Guru Singh Sabha, Khalsa Dharmak Sabha and Pardesi Khalsa Dharmak Dewa - sent three members each for the management committee and one member each for the Langar (Food) Committee.
In 1925, the Majha Sikhs opened a temple in a double storey house in Queen Street near the junction of Bras Basah Road. Two years later, there was a misunderstanding over the priest, Giani Partap Singh, because he paid a dowry to get married. Santa Singh Sedukay and Ganesa Singh Malli opened another temple in Cecil Street with Giani Partap Singh as priest. So during this short period, there were two Singh Sabhas in Singapore. Two years later, both factions settled their differences and all the Mahja Sikhs moved back to the Queen Street premises. In 1931, the Sabha moved to its new temple at 90 Wilkie Road. In 1980, the Sabha moved to a new building at 92 Wilkie Road adjacent to the one built in 1931. The old building was converted into a Janjh Ghar and for accomodation. There are plans for a museum as well.
The Malwa Sikhs started a temple in Chandy Road behind the present Cathay Building about the same time as the Majha Sikhs started the Sri Guru Singh Sabha. From Chandy Road, the Khalsa Dharmak Sabha moved to its present building at 18 Niven Road.
The Doaba Sikhs had their temple at Kirk Terrace. The government acquired their land for urban development and they have since moved to Lorong 19 Geyland.
There used to be another Sikh Temple in a double storey building in Kerbau Road. This had been in existence since before the Second World War.
There were also other Sikh Temples built for the convenience of Sikhs living in nearby. One such temple was the Jalan Kayu Gurdwara. There was also one in the Naval Base for Sikhs working in the base. Another was in Sembawang Road for those living and working outside the base area. Today, a new temple exists in Yishun called Yishun Gurdwara. This is the result of the merger of the Jalan Kayu and Sembawang Gurdwaras, following the residential developments in the north of Singapore. When the British Government decided to improve and extend the Harbour Board area, it was necessary to demolish the Dock Police Barracks where the temple was situated. It offered the Sikh Contingent land in Silat Road for the temple and also gave monetary aid. Two policemen from the Sikh Contingent were nominated to collect funds for the building of this temple. One of them was Wasawa Singh, father of Bakshis Singh, a retired school principal. Funds were collected from the Sikh communities in Singapore, Malaya and Christmas Island and the Silat Road Sikh Temple became a reality. The management of the temple was left to the Sikh policemen under the chairmanship of an officer of the Sikh Contingent. After the Second World War, the Sikh Contingent was disbanded and the Silat Road Temple was handed over to the Central Sikh Temple Committee. The temple is today a part of the Central Sikh Temple.
When India and Pakistan attained independence, many Sikh businessmen who were uprooted from their homes came to Singapore and gradually this number grew. In the beginning, these Sikhs used to pray at the Central Sikh Temple in Queen Street. Later, they started a mobile temple holding prayers in the homes of their members by rotation. They soon decided to have their own temple and in time bought a building in Wilkinson Road which they have turned into a beautiful temple. Membership is limited to these original founders. Associate membership is open to all but these members have no say in the running of the temple.
The new Central Sikh Temple building was completed in 1986 and was built at a cost of $6 million. It has an air-conditioned prayer hall and is sound proofed. There is an underground car park, modern kitchen facilities, accommodation for the priests, rooms for meetings, and a library.
The Early Sikh Priests and Ragis
The first priests were from among the Sikh policemen or sepoys. Two of these were Bhai Wasawa Singh and Bhai Amar Singh. Among the early priests in Singapore were Bhai Narain Singh Chambal, Bhai Gurdit Singh, nicknamed Bhai Pawa as he was very short, Bhai Partap Singh Nangal, Bhai Inder Singh and Bhai Ganda Singh.
In the 1940s we had Bhai Assa Singh Bandal, Bhai Arjan Singh, Giani Gurcharan Singh, Giani Mohinder Singh Chakarwarti, Giani Kartar Singh Khandawalla and Bhai Hazara Singh. These learned priests lived the life they preached and were held in high esteem by the community. During their free time, they gave free Gurmukhi lessons to the children. A few of them could also do Kirtan with tabla and harmonium accompaniment.
Another well-known name was Sant Sohan Singh of Malacca. He was born in India in 1902 and came to Malaya in 1926. He stayed in the Seremban Sikh Temple for a short time and in 1926 was appointed priest at the Malacca Sikh Temple. He was an excellent Akhand Pathi and soon everyone began calling him Giani Sohan Singh. His association with three very learned priests, Giani Gurbax Singh Pandit, Sand Gulab Singh and Giani Chanan Singh Gurne, made him realise that he lacked a great deal of knowledge as far as the scriptures were concerned. So in 1932, he went on leave to India and joined the Gurmat College at Damdama Sahib and there he studied under Kartar Singh Dakha, a very famous Sikh scholar. He obtained a degree in Giani and was also conferred the title of Kawi Kawya Maha Giani (learned poet great intellectual) for his poetry.
On his return in 1934, he took up his old job as priest of Malacca Sikh Temple. He helped all those who came to him and never turned anyone away. During the Japanese Occupation, he started dressing up with a chaddar (white piece of cloth) and soon everyone began addressing him as Sant Sohan Singh. He held Granthi Samelans (Conference of Priests) for all the Sikh priests in Malaya and Singapore at which topics of common interests were discussed. After his death, no more such conferences took place. In 1921, the Khalsa Dewan Malaya employed Bhai Pall Singh, Bhai Badan Singh and Bahadur Singh Ragi Jetha (Musicians) to do parchaar (preach religion) in Malaya. Singapore Sikhs were able to listen to them occasionally when they were invited to Singapore. Bhai Pall Singh and Bhai Badan Singh were both students of the famous Bhai Jowalla Singh of Baba Bakala. It was a pleasure to listen to their classical melodies. The accompaniment on the drums by Bahadur Singh was a joy to listen to. Bhai Pall's Singh's children grew up and joined their father's group. Sohan Singh Josh, the eldest son was an accomplished Tabla (drums) player. Bhai Badan Singh lived to a ripe old age. He is remembered by many of his students throughout the country.
The late Mr. Bhag Singh, a school principal, took up music in the 1930s in Kuala Lumpur and later moved to Singapore. He studied under Ustad Jeevan Khan from 1937 to 1939. Ustad Ji belonged to the Patiala Gharana of music. Bhag Singh's first student was Ram Singh Gulzar. The author, Seva Singh, joined Bhag Singh's group during the Japanese Occupation and initially studied under him. Later Seva Singh increased his knowledge from various other sources in India and Pakistan. Mr Bhag Singh's group was the first local born Sikh youth musical group in Singapore and was comparable to many established groups in India.
In the 1920s and early 1930s, there was a group of Shabad (hymns) singers from the village of Mallian. They were five in number, all brothers and cousins and all were more than six feet tall. They wore malmal (very thin type of cotton cloth) kameez or shirts like those worn by Pahelwans (wrestlers), and gold necklaces. They sand mostly Halle dey Shabads, (sung like Kawalis with a fast beat). The youngsters found the fast beat with Dholak (drums), Shaney (small cymbals), Chimta and Khartale (other Indian musical instruments) very captivating.
It was only in the 1930s that Sikhs in Singapore had the opportunity to listen to other types of professional singers from India when Janki Bai and Kalka Bai of Calcutta spent a month in Singapore and gave performances every evening in Serangoon Road. There were also concerts given by professionals. Among the well known and talented musicians and singers were Dr. Chotta Singh, Master Sawan, Ustad Noor Md. Khan, Veer Chand and Master Mohammed.
There were also many talented Tabla (drum) players including Sardar Khan, Ustad Mohammed and Krishan Deo Tiwari. A student of Gwalior, Krishan Deo was also a brilliant exponent of the Mirdhang. He gave a number of solo performances at the Victoria Theatre and among the North Indian Community he was usually called Mirdhangi. Very few people knew his actual name.
Today, much of the kirtan done in the temple is either by the priests or by professional Ragis (musicians) who come on tours. As a result, very few Singaporean Sikhs do Kirtan in the temples now. Seva Singh and his family used to be one of the exceptions. His eldest son, Terlochan Singh is a Sitarist of Willayat Khna Gharana and an accomplished classical singer. Satwant Singh and Surinderjeet Singh are accomplished Tabla (drum) players. With them as with most Singapore Sikhs, Kirtan is only a hobby.
Sports and Other Activities
In 1931, a group of young Sikhs got together and formed the Khalsa Association. This group included Tara Singh, Wazir Singh, Choor Singh, Bhag Singh, Sohan Singh (Kadoo) Randhawa, Hardit Singh Karmuwalla, Terlok Singh, Mahambir Singh, Durga Das Singh, Dewan Singh Randhawa and Teja Singh. The first clubhouse was in a padang (field) at the end of St.Georges Road. It was a wooden hut. In those days, the members found it difficult even to pay the salary of the caretaker.
As more and more Sikhs joined the association, things livened up. After the Second World War, the association moved to Jalan Bahagia where a proper clubhouse was built. There was a good field for games and for the yearly fun fair, the Punjabi Mela. Some years later, the government offered a site in Tessensohn Road with compensation for the old building. A building committee was formed with Justice Choor Singh as chairman. The new clubhouse could never have been built without the untiring efforts of the committee which comprised of Jaswant Singh Gill, Sadhu Singh Khaira, Khushal Singh, Sardara Singh, Dewan Singh Randhawa, Mukhtiar Singh Matta and Tharam Singh.
Our boys have always done well in sports, winning the league championship and knockout competition in hockey many times. In cricket, we used to less well. Besides the then Punjabi School housed in the clubhouse, Tae Kwon Do and Karate lessons were also conducted there. The club is still used for weddings and dinner parties.
The Sikh Community has always taken an active part in all the National Day Celebrations by sending a contingent of marchers to the Parade under the banner of the Singapore Khalsa Association. In one of the National Day Float Competitions, we won the Best Cultural Float Prize and we were awarded the Silver Cup. For this winning effort, we have to thank Satwant Singh Bath, Pritam Singh Malli, Dharam Singh Dler, Terlochan Singh and Harbans Singh for their hard work. The Bhangra Dancers in the march past used to be a great hit with the spectators. On one wet day the caption in The Straits Times with a picture of the dancers read : The dance of joy in the streets of Singapore.
The Sikh Missionary Society
In 1940, a group of Sikhs formed an association to propagate the Sikh faith and called it the Sikh Missionary Society of Malaya. The man behind the move was Bhag Singh, a school teacher. The others in the group were Sadhu Singh Khaira, Sohan Singh Panj Garain, Ujagar Singh, Teja Singh Hitashi and Gulzar Singh. The registered office of the Society was at 175 Queen Street. The committee of the Society later managed to get Giani Phuman Singh, a very learned Sikh from India to join it. During the following years, this young group of workers did much to propagate the Sikh religion. Tracts in Tamil, Malay, Chinese and English were distributed free so that the other communities would come to know the Sikhs and their faith better. Giani Phuman Singh travelled all over Malaya and gave lectures in temples.
The Sikh Missionary Society also launched a Scholarship Fund for needy Sikh students to pursue their university education. Monetary help was also given to children for their secondary school studies. The first recipients were Gorboux Singh, who became a school principal, Harbans Singh, who became a lawyer and Nachatar Singh.
The driving force behind the society was Bhag Singh. His untimely death in 1960 was a big loss to the Sikhs in Singapore and Malaya. The committees that tool over the running of the Society could not carry on as before and now the society is just a name in the books of the Registrar of Societies.
The Sikh Partinidh Sabha
In early 1950, at a meeting held at the Queen Street Sikh Temple, the Sikh Partinidh Sabha was formed. Its function was to run the Khalsa English School in Niven Road and the Khalsa Punjab School in Wilkie Road.
The Khalsa English School was very necessary at this time because there was a shortage of schools in Singapore and many of our Sikh children could not find places in government and government aided schools. Classes were from primary to secondary levels. When there were sufficient schools in Singapore to absorb all the children, the Khalsa English School was closed. The Khalsa Punjabi School at the Sri Guru Singh Sabha in Wilkie Road was transferred to the Singapore Khalsa Association and the Sikh Partinidh Sabha was dissolved.
The Sikh Newspapers and the Press
The first Sikh newspaper was started in Malaya in 1936 and was called the Pardesi Khalsa Sewak. In 1965, there was a change of ownership and the name was changes to Malayan Samachar. Dewan Singh Randhawa, who resigned from the Singapore Police Force in 1946, started the first Punjabi paper in Singapore in 1951. He called it the Navjiwan (New Life). It was printed in Gurmukhi script and the paper had to struggle even though it was the only Punjabi paper in Southeast Asia. Advertisments, printing of wedding cards and commercial printing kept the paper going. In the late seventies and early eighties, things brightened up. The paper brought in the latest in off-set printing. It by now had subscribers not only in Singapore, but in Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia and Australia.
Two other Sikhs have gone into the printing business and do only commercial printing. They are Kartar Singh, a retired police officer who owns Ford Printers and Gurpal Singh who owns Magh Printers. Incidentally, Gurpal Singh learned the printing business as a teenager at Navjiwan
. Annexation of Punjab - 1849
esulted in the abrogation of the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab, was virtually a campaign by the victors of the first Anglo-Sikh war (1945-46) and since then the de facto rulers of the State finally to overcome the resistance of some of the sardars who chafed at the defeat in the earlier war which, they believed, had been lost owing to the treachery on the part of the commanders at the top and not to any lack of fighting strength of the Sikh army. It marked also the fulfillment of the imperialist ambition of the new governor-general, Lord Dalhousie (184856), to carry forward the British flag up to the natural boundary of India on the northwest
According to the peace settlement of March 1846, at the end of Anglo-Sikh war I, the British force in Lahore was to be withdrawn at the end of the year, but a severer treaty was imposed on the Sikhs before the expiry of that date. Sir Henry Hardinge, the then governor-general, had his Agent, Frederick Currie, persuade the Lahore Darbar to request the British for the continuance of the troops in Lahore. According to the treaty which was consequently signed at Bharoval on 16 December 1846, Henry Lawrence was appointed Resident with full authority to direct and control all matters in every department of the State. A Council of Regency, consisting of the nominees of the Resident and headed by Tej Singh, was appointed. The power to make changes in its personnel vested in the Resident.
Under another clause the British could maintain as many troops in the Punjab as they thought necessary for the preservation of peace and order. This treaty was to remain in operation until the minor Maharaja Duleep Singh attained the age of 16. By a proclamation issued in July 1847, the governor-general further enhanced the powers of the Resident.
On 23 October 1847, Sir Henry Hardinge wrote to Henry Lawrence:
In all our measures taken during the minority we must bear in mind that by the treaty of Lahore, March 1846, the Punjab never was intended to be an independent State. By the clause I added the chief of the State can neither make war or peace, or exchange or sell an acre of territory or admit a European officer, or refuse us a thoroughfare through his territories, or, in fact, perform any act without our permission. In fact the native Prince is in fetters, and under our protection and must do our bidding.
In the words of British historian John Clark Marshman, an officer of the Company's artillery became, in fact, the successor to Ranjit Singh. The Sikhs resented this gradual liquidation of their authority in the Punjab. The new government at Lahore became totally unpopular. The abolition of jagirs in the Jalandhar Doab and changes introduced in the system of land revenue and its collection angered the landed classes. Maharani Jind Kaur, who was described by Lord Dalhousie as the only woman in the Punjab with manly understanding and in whom the British Resident foresaw a rallying point for the well-wishers of the Sikh dynasty, was kept under close surveillance. Henry Lawrence laid down that she could not receive in audience more than five or six sardars in a month and that she remain in purdah like the ladies of the royal families of Nepal, Jodhpur and Jaipur.
In January 1848, Henry Lawrence took leave of absence and travelled back home with Lord Hardinge, who had completed his term in India. The former was replaced by Frederick Currie and the latter by the Earl of Dalhousie. The new regime confronted a rebellion in the Sikh province of Multan which it utilized as an excuse for the annexation of the Punjab. The British Resident at Lahore increased the levy payable by the Multan governor, Diwan Mu1 Raj, who, finding himself unable to comply, resigned his office. Frederick Currie appointed General Kahn Singh Man in his place and sent him to Multan along with two British officers, P.A. Vans Agnew and William Anderson, to take charge from Mul Raj.
The party arrived at Multan on 18 April 1848, and the Diwan vacated the Fort and made over the keys to the representatives of the Lahore Darbar. But his soldiers rebelled and the British officers were set upon in their camp and killed. This was the beginning of the Multan outbreak. Some soldiers of the Lahore escort deserted their officers and joined Mul Raj's army. Currie received the news at Lahore on 21 April, but delayed action. Lord Dalhousie allowed the Multan rebellion to spread for five months. The interval was utilized by the British further to provoke Sikh opinion. The Resident did his best to fan the flames of rebellion.
Maharani Jind Kaur, then under detention in the Fort of Sheikhupura, was exiled from the Punjab. She was taken to Firozpur and thence to Banaras, in the British dominions. Her annual allowance, which according to the treaty of Bharoval had been fixed at one and a half lakh of rupees, was reduced to twelve thousand. Her jewellery worth fifty thousand of rupees was forfeited; so was her cash amounting to a lakh and a half. The humiliating treatment of the Maharani caused deep resentment among the people of the Punjab. Even the Muslim ruler of Afghanistan, Amir Dost Muhammad, protested to the British, saying that such treatment is objectionable to all creeds.
Meanwhile, Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes, the Resident's Assistant at Bannu, having heard of the Multan revolt, began raising levies from among the Pathan mercenaries, and after summoning Van Cortlandt, the local Lahore commander, marched on Multan and called upon the rebels to submit. Although the British Resident approved of Edwardes' conduct, Lord Dalhousie was furious at the audacity of a subaltern officer to invest Multan without any authority and offer terms to Mul Raj. He was severely reprimanded and ordered not to extend his operations any further. However, Edwardes was not discouraged and ignoring these orders, he crossed the Indus on 14 June; four days later, he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mul Raj's forces at Kineri. Edwardes' action turned Sikh national sentiment in favour of Mul Raj and there was restiveness among the troops. British forces began to be moved towards the frontier. The Lahore garrison was reinforced; likewise more regiments reached Ambala and Frozpur. By June 1848, an army had been assembled at the frontier-11,740 men in the Bari Doab, 9,430 in the Jalandhar Doab; in all 21,170 men ready to go into action against Multan to quell what was no more than a local rising.
Meanwhile, Captain James Abbott, the Resident's assistant at Hazara, suspecting that Sardar Chatar Singh Atarivala, the governor of the province, had been hatching a conspiracy to lead a general Sikh uprising against the British, charged him with treason and cut off all communication with him and marched against him the Muslim peasantry and tribal mercenaries. Captain Nicholson who conducted an enquiry into Abbott's allegations, exonerated Chatar Singh of the charge of treason, but offered him terms which amounted to his virtual dismissal and the confiscation of his jagirs. Chatar Singh rejected these. Abbott's treatment of Chatar Singh, a chief of eminence and position since Ranjit Singh's time and whose daughter was betrothed to the young Maharaja Duleep Singh, was humiliating. Chatar Singh's son Raja Sher Singh, who had steadfastly fought on the side of Herbert Edwardes against Diwan Mul Raj, was greatly exercised, and he joined hands with the Diwan's force on 14 September 1848.
According to the peace settlement of March 1846, at the end of Anglo-Sikh war I, the British force in Lahore was to be withdrawn at the end of the year, but a severer treaty was imposed on the Sikhs before the expiry of that date. Sir Henry Hardinge, the then governor-general, had his Agent, Frederick Currie, persuade the Lahore Darbar to request the British for the continuance of the troops in Lahore. According to the treaty which was consequently signed at Bharoval on 16 December 1846, Henry Lawrence was appointed Resident with full authority to direct and control all matters in every department of the State. A Council of Regency, consisting of the nominees of the Resident and headed by Tej Singh, was appointed. The power to make changes in its personnel vested in the Resident.
Under another clause the British could maintain as many troops in the Punjab as they thought necessary for the preservation of peace and order. This treaty was to remain in operation until the minor Maharaja Duleep Singh attained the age of 16. By a proclamation issued in July 1847, the governor-general further enhanced the powers of the Resident.
On 23 October 1847, Sir Henry Hardinge wrote to Henry Lawrence:
In all our measures taken during the minority we must bear in mind that by the treaty of Lahore, March 1846, the Punjab never was intended to be an independent State. By the clause I added the chief of the State can neither make war or peace, or exchange or sell an acre of territory or admit a European officer, or refuse us a thoroughfare through his territories, or, in fact, perform any act without our permission. In fact the native Prince is in fetters, and under our protection and must do our bidding.
In the words of British historian John Clark Marshman, an officer of the Company's artillery became, in fact, the successor to Ranjit Singh. The Sikhs resented this gradual liquidation of their authority in the Punjab. The new government at Lahore became totally unpopular. The abolition of jagirs in the Jalandhar Doab and changes introduced in the system of land revenue and its collection angered the landed classes. Maharani Jind Kaur, who was described by Lord Dalhousie as the only woman in the Punjab with manly understanding and in whom the British Resident foresaw a rallying point for the well-wishers of the Sikh dynasty, was kept under close surveillance. Henry Lawrence laid down that she could not receive in audience more than five or six sardars in a month and that she remain in purdah like the ladies of the royal families of Nepal, Jodhpur and Jaipur.
In January 1848, Henry Lawrence took leave of absence and travelled back home with Lord Hardinge, who had completed his term in India. The former was replaced by Frederick Currie and the latter by the Earl of Dalhousie. The new regime confronted a rebellion in the Sikh province of Multan which it utilized as an excuse for the annexation of the Punjab. The British Resident at Lahore increased the levy payable by the Multan governor, Diwan Mu1 Raj, who, finding himself unable to comply, resigned his office. Frederick Currie appointed General Kahn Singh Man in his place and sent him to Multan along with two British officers, P.A. Vans Agnew and William Anderson, to take charge from Mul Raj.
The party arrived at Multan on 18 April 1848, and the Diwan vacated the Fort and made over the keys to the representatives of the Lahore Darbar. But his soldiers rebelled and the British officers were set upon in their camp and killed. This was the beginning of the Multan outbreak. Some soldiers of the Lahore escort deserted their officers and joined Mul Raj's army. Currie received the news at Lahore on 21 April, but delayed action. Lord Dalhousie allowed the Multan rebellion to spread for five months. The interval was utilized by the British further to provoke Sikh opinion. The Resident did his best to fan the flames of rebellion.
Maharani Jind Kaur, then under detention in the Fort of Sheikhupura, was exiled from the Punjab. She was taken to Firozpur and thence to Banaras, in the British dominions. Her annual allowance, which according to the treaty of Bharoval had been fixed at one and a half lakh of rupees, was reduced to twelve thousand. Her jewellery worth fifty thousand of rupees was forfeited; so was her cash amounting to a lakh and a half. The humiliating treatment of the Maharani caused deep resentment among the people of the Punjab. Even the Muslim ruler of Afghanistan, Amir Dost Muhammad, protested to the British, saying that such treatment is objectionable to all creeds.
Meanwhile, Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes, the Resident's Assistant at Bannu, having heard of the Multan revolt, began raising levies from among the Pathan mercenaries, and after summoning Van Cortlandt, the local Lahore commander, marched on Multan and called upon the rebels to submit. Although the British Resident approved of Edwardes' conduct, Lord Dalhousie was furious at the audacity of a subaltern officer to invest Multan without any authority and offer terms to Mul Raj. He was severely reprimanded and ordered not to extend his operations any further. However, Edwardes was not discouraged and ignoring these orders, he crossed the Indus on 14 June; four days later, he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mul Raj's forces at Kineri. Edwardes' action turned Sikh national sentiment in favour of Mul Raj and there was restiveness among the troops. British forces began to be moved towards the frontier. The Lahore garrison was reinforced; likewise more regiments reached Ambala and Frozpur. By June 1848, an army had been assembled at the frontier-11,740 men in the Bari Doab, 9,430 in the Jalandhar Doab; in all 21,170 men ready to go into action against Multan to quell what was no more than a local rising.
Meanwhile, Captain James Abbott, the Resident's assistant at Hazara, suspecting that Sardar Chatar Singh Atarivala, the governor of the province, had been hatching a conspiracy to lead a general Sikh uprising against the British, charged him with treason and cut off all communication with him and marched against him the Muslim peasantry and tribal mercenaries. Captain Nicholson who conducted an enquiry into Abbott's allegations, exonerated Chatar Singh of the charge of treason, but offered him terms which amounted to his virtual dismissal and the confiscation of his jagirs. Chatar Singh rejected these. Abbott's treatment of Chatar Singh, a chief of eminence and position since Ranjit Singh's time and whose daughter was betrothed to the young Maharaja Duleep Singh, was humiliating. Chatar Singh's son Raja Sher Singh, who had steadfastly fought on the side of Herbert Edwardes against Diwan Mul Raj, was greatly exercised, and he joined hands with the Diwan's force on 14 September 1848.
Historical Sikh Events: The Second Anglo Sikh War
The Second Anglo Sikh War , 1848-49, which resulted in the abrogation of the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab, was virtually a campaign by the victors of the first Anglo-Sikh war (1945-46) and since then the de facto rulers of the State finally to overcome the resistance of some of the sardars who chafed at the defeat in the earlier war which, they believed, had been lost owing to the treachery on the part of the commanders at the top and not to any lack of fighting strength of the Sikh army. It marked also the fulfillment of the imperialist ambition of the new governor-general, Lord Dalhousie (184856), to carry forward the British flag up to the natural boundary of India on the northwest. According to the peace settlement of March 1846, at the end of Anglo-Sikh war I, the British force in Lahore was to be withdrawn at the end of the year, but a severer treaty was imposed on the Sikhs before the expiry of that date.
Sir Henry Hardinge, the then governor-general, had his Agent, Frederick Currie, persuade the Lahore Darbar to request the British for the continuance of the troops in Lahore. According to the treaty which was consequently signed at Bharoval on 16 December 1846, Henry Lawrence was appointed Resident with "full authority to direct and control all matters in every department of the State." A Council of Regency, consisting of the nominees of the Resident and headed by Tej Singh, was appointed. The power to make changes in its personnel vested in the Resident. Under another clause the British could maintain as many troops in the Punjab as they thought necessary for the preservation of peace and order. This treaty was to remain in operation until the minor Maharaja Duleep Singh attained the age of 16. By a proclamation issued in July 1847, the governor-general further enhanced the powers of the Resident. On 23 October 1847, Sir Henry Hardinge wrote to Henry Lawrence: "In all our measures taken during the minority we must bear in mind that by the treaty of Lahore, March 1846, the Punjab never was intended to be an independent State. By the clause I added the chief of the State can neither make war or peace, or exchange or sell an acre of territory or admit a European officer, or refuse us a thoroughfare through his territories, or, in fact, perform any act without our permission. In fact the native Prince is in fetters, and under our protection and must do our bidding."
In the words of British historian John Clark Marshman, "an officer of the Company's artillery became, in fact, the successor to Ranjit Singh." The Sikhs resented this gradual liquidation of their authority in the Punjab. The new government at Lahore became totally unpopular. The abolition of tigers in the Jalandhar Doab and changes introduced in the system of land revenue and its collection angered the landed classes. Maharani Jind Kaur, who was described by Lord Dalhousie as the only woman it the Punjab with manly understanding and in whom the British Resident foresaw a rallying point for the well-wishers of the Sikh dynasty, was kept under close surveillance. Henry Lawrence laid down that she could not receive in audience more than five or six sardars in a month and that she remain in purdah like the ladies of the royal families of Nepal, Jodhpur and Jaipur.
In January 1848, Henry Lawrence took leave of absence and traveled back home with Lord Hardinge, who had completed his term in India. The former was replaced by Frederick Currie and the latter by the Earl of Dalhousie. The new regime confronted a rebellion in the Sikh province of Multan which it utilized as an excuse for the annexation of the Punjab. The British Resident at Lahore increased the levy payable by the Multan governor, Diwan Mul Raj , who, finding himself unable to comply, resigned his office. Frederick Currie appointed General Kahn Singh Man in his place and sent him to Multan along with two British officers P.A. Vans Agnew and William Anderson, to take charge from Mul Raj The party arrived at Multan on 18 April 1848, and the Diwan vacated the Fort and made over the keys to the representatives of the Lahore Darbar But his soldiers rebelled and the British officers were set upon in their camp and killed This was the beginning of the Multan outbreak.
Some soldiers of the Lahore escort deserted their officers and joined Mul Raj's army. Currie received the news at Lahore on 21 April, but delayed action Lord Dalhousie allowed the Multan rebellion to spread for five months. The interval was utilized by the British further to provoke Sikh opinion. The Resident did his best to fan the flames of rebellion. Maharani Jind Kaur, then under detention in the Fort of Sheikupura, was exiled from the Punjab She was taken to Firozpur and thence to Banaras, in the British dominions. Her annual allowance, which according to the treaty of Bharoval had been fixed at one and a half lakh of rupees, was reduced to twelve thousand. Her jewellery worth fifty thousand of rupees was forfeited; so was her cash amounting to a lakh and a half. The humiliating treatment of the Maharani caused deep resentment among the people of the Punjab Even the Muslim ruler of Afghanistan, Amir Dost Muhammad, protested to the British, saying that such treatment is objectionable to all creeds."
Meanwhile, Lieutenant Herbert Edwardes, the Resident's Assistant at Bannu, having heard of the Multan revolt, began raising levies from among the Pathan mercenaries, and after summoning Van Cortlandt, the local Lahore commander, marched on Multan and called upon the rebels to submit. Although the British Resident approved of Edwardes' conduct, Lord Dalhousie was furious at the audacity of a "subaltern of ficer" to invest Multan without any authority and offer terms to Mul Raj. He was severely reprimanded and ordered not to extend his operations any further. However, Edwardes was not discouraged and ignoring these orders, he crossed the Indus on 14 June; four days later, he inflicted a crushing defeat on Mul Raj's forces at Kineri. Edwarde's action turned Sikh national sentiment in favor of Mul Raj and there was restiveness among the troops. British forces began to be moved towards the frontier. The Lahore garrison was reinforced; likewise more regiments reached Ambala and Firozpur. By June 1848, an army had been assembled at the frontier — 11,740 men in the Bari Doab, 9,430 in the Jalandhar Doab; in all 21,170 men ready to go into action against Multan to quell what was no more than a local rising.
Proclamation of War
Meanwhile, Captain James Abbott, the Resident's assistant at Hazara, suspecting that Sardar Chatar Singh Atarivala, the governor of the province, had been hatching a conspiracy to lead a general Sikh uprising against the British, charged him with treason and cut off all communication with him and marched against him the Muslim peasantry and tribal mercenaries.
Captain Nicholson who conducted an enquiry into Abbott's allegations, exonerated Chatar Singh of the charge of treason, but offered him terms which amounted to his virtual dismissal and the confiscation of his jagirs. Chatar Singh rejected these. Abbott's treatment of Chatar Singh, a chief of eminence and position since Ranjit Singh's time and whose daughter was betrothed to the young Maharaja Duleep Singh, was humiliating. Chatar Singh's son Raja Sher Singh, who had steadfastly fought on the side of Herbert Edwardes against Diwan Mul Raj, was greatly exercised, and he joined hands with the Diwan's force on 14 September 1848.
Raja Sher Singh made a passionate appeal to his countrymen warning them of the fate that awaited the Punjab and inviting them to join his standard in a final bid to preserve their freedom. Many old soldiers of the Khalsa army responded to the call and left their homes to rally round Diwan Mul Raj, Raja Sher Singh and Chatar Singh. Lord Dalhousie received the news of Sher Singh's action with unconcealed pleasure because it had brought matters to the crisis that he had for months been awaiting. At a public banquet on 5 October 1848 at Barrackpore (Calcutta), he announced: "Unwarned by precedents, uninfluenced by example, the Sikh nation has called for war, and, on my words, Sirs, they shall have it with a vengeanceWe are now not on the eve but in the midst of war with the Sikh nation and the kingdom of the PunjabI have drawn the sword, and have thrown away the scabbard, both in relation to the war immediately before us, and to the stern policy which that war must precede and establish."
The Resident at Lahore found this position legally indefensible and practically untenable. He and his staff were there to superintend and aid the administration of the Sikh State and to look after the interests of the ruler, Maharaja Duleep Singh, during the period of his minority. The Lahore Darbar and the Maharaja had supported the Resident in all his efforts to deal with the situation in Multan and Hazara.
Still the British armies were marched without an open declaration of war towards the Punjab. Lord Hugh Gough, the commander-in-chief, left his headquarters at Shimla towards the end of October and a huge army was assembled at Firozpur in the beginning of November. The army consisted of four columns. Lord Gough personally commanded 22 infantry divisions (14,419 men), a cavalry division (3,369 horse) and an artillery division with 66 guns, including ten 18-pounder batteries and six 8-inch howitzers drawn by elephants. In addition, there were 6 troops of horse artillery and 3 light and 2 heavy field batteries. Its total strength amounted to 24,404 men (6,396 Europeans). At Lahore, General Wheeler's Occupation Force of 10,000 men held firmly the capital of the Sikhs. In front of the citadel of Multan was the 1st Infantry Division under Major General Whish. The arrival of the Bombay column under Brigadier-General Henry Dundas had augmented its strength to over 21,000 men of all arms. In addition 5,300 men of the Lahore infantry were under British control at Multan. This brought the total regular force at the disposal of Major General Whish at Multan to 26,300 men. Besides, there were irregular Muslim levies and mercenaries raised by the British to fight the Sikhs. Taken in all these and other troops at Hazara, Peshawar, Bannu, Gobindgarh, Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur added up to the total of 1,04,666 men — 61,366 of regular British army, 5,300 of the Lahore army and 38,000 irregular troops; 13,524 cavalry, 123 field and 22 heavy guns, all deployed at various points in the Punjab.
The numerical strength of the Sikhs was comparatively much smaller. Lord Cough's dispatches enumerate the Sikh force at Ramnagar and Chillianvala between 30,000 and 40,000 men and at Gujrat 60,000 men and 60 guns, which figures are highly exaggerated by at least Six times the real Sikh forces. The powerful Khalsa army of Ranjit Singh was broken up after its capitulation at Sabhraon in 1849. Its soldiers had been disbanded by the British, its generals discharged or won over, and its jagirdan force reduced to starvation. A skeleton army of 25 battalions (20,000 men) and 12,000 horse permitted to the State under the treaty of March 1846 was a shadow force under British control and dispersed to far-flung districts for garrison duty- Lahore had a garrison strength of 6,500 men, Peshawar of 3,000 men, Gobindgarh Fort 2,000 men, Hazara 3,000 men, Banner and Tonk 1,300 men, Attock 700 men, and Kohat 500 men. The remaining 3,000 men of the entire force were at numerous small posts throughout the Punjab.
The contingents of the Lahore army which joined the rebels were those of I Sahara Peshawar, Tonk and Bannu, Kohat, and Attock—9,400 men, inclusive of the force of Shem Singh at Multan (900 infantry and 3,400 horse) . Allowing that 3,000 men stationed at various isolated places throughout the Punjab could get through and join the rebels in the north, the regular Sikh force could scarcely have exceeded 13,000 men and 9,000 horse. Disbanded Sikh soldiers and the freelance who flocked round the banner did not exceed 10,000 men. The disbanded soldiery merely augmented the numerical strength of the Khalsa; it had few generals and fewer arms and no means of procurement of arms and supplies. The total strength thus could not have been more than 23,000 men and 12,000 horse.
The Battle
Lord Gough crossed the Sutlej on 9 November and reached Lahore on 13 November. Moving rapidly into the Rachna Doab, he arrived at Ramnagar on 22 November. Sher Singh's entire force was on the right bank of the River Chenab. Brigadier-General Campbell with the 3rd Infantry Division (8,171 men) was ordered to move out to disperse the Sikh force in the vicinity of Ramnagar; Brigadier-General Cureton in command of the cavalry accompanied Campbell's force. On arrival at Ramnagar, Campbell found the Sikh force on the opposite side of the river. Cureton had numerous cavalry but no guns; he ordered the horse artillery under Colonel Lane to overtake the withdrawing Sikh troops through the sandy riverbed, but met with disaster.
The Sikh artillery on the opposite bank opened up with disastrous effect, and Lane hastily withdrew the horse artillery leaving behind a heavy gun and two ammunition wagons, which the Sikhs captured. Suddenly, a column of the Sikh cavalry crossed the river under cover of artillery. The commander of the 14th Light Dragoons who led a squardon in support of Lane's horse artillery was shot dead. The charge failed and the British lost 90 officers and men including Brigadier-General Cureton and Lieutenant-Colonel Havelock, and 140 horse. The action at Ramnagar was a victory for the Sikhs. Lord Dalhousie blamed both Campbell and Gough for the Assad affair" from which at here was no objective to be gained." Gough, on the other hand, claimed it as a victory. The enemy," he announced in a General Order, was signally overthrown on every occasion, and only saved from utter annihilation by their flight to the cover of their guns on the opposite bank."
Fallen men of HM's24th Regiment at Chillianwala
For about a week after the British reverse, the two armies faced each other across the river. Lord Cough waited impatiently for the heavy guns o arrive. On 30 November, he detached a force under Major-General Thackwell across the river to take the Sikh army in the flank; another brigade of infantry under Brigadier Godby was ordered to ford the river 10 km from Ramnagar to support Thackwell's force. Across the river, at the principal ford 3 km from Ramnagar, Sher Singh's entire force, now risen to 12,000 men and 28 guns, lay strongly entrenched. Thackwell's force moved about 30 km up the river to Wazirabad and made the crossing, while Godby's brigade had crossed the river 25 km below. At midday on 3 December Thackwell arrived at Sadullapur barely 6 km from the Sikh encampment.
The Sikhs realized the imminent danger to their flanks and rear. The heavy Sikh artillery opened fire at Thackwell's position, while the Sikh cavalry barred the passage of Godby's force which failed to join up with his troops. At dusk, the entire Sikh army crossed over to the left bank of the river. Sher Singh's action nullified the British maneuver; it also made it possible for Chatar Singh's force to join him. The British General claimed a victory without a battle. He reported a meagre loss of 4 men at Sadullapur, and claimed that the army under his command had upheld the tradition of valor. The Sikhs, he reported, were in full retreat, leaving behind some 60 boats which had been captured. In British military and political circles in England, Lord Gough was severely castigated for lack of drive and initiative. Lord Dalhousie openly charged him with incompetency and blamed him for incomplete actions and enormous losses.
Under the shadow of these adverse strictures, Lord Gough fought the battle of Chillianwala on 13 January 1849. The Sikh army 12,000 strong was drawn in battle array in the dense jungle in front, their heavy guns bearing upon Chillianwala, on the River Jehlum. British preparations for encampment were rudely interrupted by sharp Sikh artillery fire. Lord Cough hesitated, but instantly drew up the order of the battle. In the centre were placed heavy 18-pounders and 8-inch howitzers; Major-General Gilbert's 2nd Infantry Division (5,248 men) was placed on the right, flanked by Brigadier Pope's 2nd Cavalry Brigade and 14th Light Dragoons and horse artillery. To the left was Brigadier-General Campbell's 3rd Infantry Division (8,171 men) flanked by White's 1st Cavalry Brigade and 3 troops of horse artillery.
The British guns started firing upon the Sikh centre. The density of the jungle made it impossible to preserve order and formation and the British brigades and regiments got separated from one another. The ground proved unsuitable for cavalry action, and the artillery failed to provide cover. Sikhs fought with determination and their artillery took a heavy toll. The British infantrymen were mowed down by fire from Sikh musketry, and the successive onslaughts of the Sikh ghorcharas broke the British cavalry line. While Campbell's charge failed to dislodge the Sikhs, the Khalsa horsemen swept the field like lightning raising vociferous Khalsa war cries.
In another direction, Brigadier Pennycuick's brigade moving in double time into the jungle, was routed by Sikh artillery. The brigade turned back to flee from the destructive fire of shot and shell leaving behind nearly half a regiment which faced total destruction. The most serious disaster befell Gilbert's division which halted in utter bewilderment when a large body of Sikhs surrounded the 2nd Infantry brigade. Gilbert's brigade had neither the cover of guns nor the support of cavalry. In the hand to hand fight, the brigade was repulsed and driven back with heavy loss. The battle lasted over three hours when Lord Gough ordered the whole army to retreat. British casualties in the action amounted to 2,446 men and 132 officers killed with four guns lost.
The British Commander-in-chief claimed a victory, which claim the governor-general scornfully dubbed as "perhaps poetical." "We have gained a victory," he observed ruefully, "like that of the ancients; it is such a one that 'another such would ruin us.' " There was an outburst of popular indignation in England and Gough was squarely blamed for the defeat of the British. Military experts at home described him as a Superannuated general who could not mount his horse without assistance." It was decided to retire Lord Gough and replace him by Sir Charles Napier.
In the meantime, however, Multan fell and Diwan Mul Raj surrendered to Major-General Whish on 22 January 1849. Lord Gough repaired his reputation in the battle of Gujrat fought on 21 February 1849. The Sikh army had regrouped on the banks of the Jehlum. On 15 February, it arrived at Gujrat where Chatar Singh's force and an Afghan contingent of 3,000 horse under Akram Khan encircled the town.
Battle of Gujarat
The battle of Gujrat
On 13 February, Major-General Whish's 1st Division (13,400 men and 30 pieces of heavy artillery joined the British force. The Bombay column (12,100 men and 3,000 cavalry) joined a few days later. Thus assured of an overwhelming superiority of men and heavy artillery, Lord Gough ordered the entire force forward and reaching a few days later Shadival, a village 8 km from Gujrat, he found himself face to face with the Sikhs.
The battle of Gujrat must be reckoned as one of the most notable in the annals of British warfare in India. Never, perhaps, the British had amassed so many guns and men in any single battle. The British army now consisted of 56,636 men four infantry divisions, 11,569 horse, 96 field-guns, and 67 siege-guns including ten 18-pounders and six 8-inch howitzers drawn by elephants. For this obvious reason the battle of Gujrat has often been described as "the battle of guns.
On the morning of 21 February, the whole British army advanced with the precision of a parade movement. The Sikh guns opened fire, thus disclosing their positions and range. The British General brought the three divisions to a sudden halt and ordered the whole line of artillery to fire. The sustained cannonade of 100 guns, the fire of 18-pounders and 8-inch howitzers, which continued for two hours blunted Sikh artillery. When the British guns had spent up their fury, their infantry line advanced rapidly. The Sikh infantry positions were Captured, and the Sikhs driven out of cover. The battle was over within a few hours. The advance of the whole British line completely overwhelmed the Sikhs and they fled the field in confusion. Their loss was estimated between 3,000 and 5,000 men and 53 guns the British casualties were 96 killed and 700 wounded. "The Sikhs," commented Lord Dalhousie, "displayed the skill, courage and activity which belong to their race. " With the decisive British victory at Gujrat the hostilities ended on 11 March 1849.
Sher Singh and Chatar Singh formally surrendered their swords to Major-General Gilbert near Rawalpindi. They were followed on the 14th by the whole Sikh army. "Today is Ranjit Singh dead," sighed the soldiers as they kissed their swords and laid them down on the ever-enlarging heap of steel. Lord Dalhousie proclaimed annexation of the Punjab on 29 March 1849. His foreign secretary, Henry Meirs Elliot, arrived at Lahore to obtain the signatures of the members of the Council of Regency and of the minor king, Maharaja Duleep Singh. A darbar was held in the Lahore Fort and, with the British troops lined up on his right and his helpless sardars on his left, the young Duleep Singh affixed his signatures to the document which deprived him of his crown and kingdom.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Ganda Singh, Private Correspondence Relating to the Anglo-Sikh Wars. Amritsar, 1955
2. The British Occupation of the Punjab. Patiala, I956
3. Cook, H.C.B., The Sikh Wars 184S49. Delhi, 1975
4. Cough, Sir C. and A.D. Innes, The Sikhs and the Sikh Wars. London, 1897
5. Burton, R.C., The First and the Second Sikh Wars. Simla, 1911
6. Cunningham, Joseph Davey, A History of the Silchs from the Origin of the Nation to the Battles of the Sutlej. London, 1849
7. Khushwant Singh, A History of the Sikhs, vol. 2. Princeton 1966
8. Harbans Singh, The Heritage of the Sikhs. Delhi, 1983
9. Niyyar, B.S., Anglo-Sikh Wars. Delhi, 1976
10. Hasrat, BikramaJit, Anglo-Sikh Relations 1799-1849. Hoshiarpur,1968
11. The Punjab Papers. Hoshiarpur, 1970
12. Gupta, Hari Ram, Panjab on the Eve of First Sikh War. Chandigarh, 1956
Excerpts taken from
The encyclopedia of Sikhism Edited by Harbans Singh ji.
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